Dama presented for examination Essay

A written account of practical work undertaken in year 11 resulting in a piece of drama presented for examination. We started the Christmas term 2001 with group warm-up exercises, before even thinking about what we were going to perform in late November or who we were going to work with. These were fun class activities, used to build up group relationships. We did such things as human noughts and crosses, using nine chairs in a 3 by 3 square with the girls as noughts and the boys as crosses. We played 5 games, resulting in one draw and the boys winning 3 to the girls’ 1. It was fun and used really to warm us up. We then went on to play two games of winking murder. We all sat round in a circle on chairs with our eyes closed while Mrs. Powles walked round the circle tapping someone on the shoulder, telling that person that they are the murderer. Then it’s all eyes open and we try to work out who the murderer is. Meanwhile, the murderer is winking discreetly at people, killing them. It was very enjoyable and it helped to build up group relationships. Following that, we were assigned the task of pretending to be a salesperson of some description at a drinks evening. We had to decide what we were selling and how to sell it. Once that was decided, we had to go around the class introducing ourselves to each other and trying to sell our product to them in under 2 minutes. It involved much interaction between us all and helped tremendously to strengthen group relationships. Shortly after, we were asked to write on a piece of paper who we wanted to work with and who we did not want to work with if we thought that we would not produce to the best of our ability if we were with them. Finally, I ended up working with Elise, which was great as I had never worked with her before and we were good friends. She didn’t seem to complain either, which was a good sign. Then we spent an entire double lesson going through all of Mrs. Powles’ plays that she had to decide on one to perform an extract out of for the exam in December. We settled finally on an extract from the play â€Å"The Norman Conquests† by Alan Ayckbourn, as we both decided that we wanted to do a comical piece, but not farcical, so it fitted nicely. After searching through the book for a while, we finally came across a suitable duologue between Norman and Sarah. Norman is a librarian, but this definitely does not define his character at all. He is a womaniser, married to Ruth, attempted to have an affair with her sister Annie who is engaged to Tom, and is now working his charms on his other sister-in-law, Sarah, Elise’s character, who is married to Reg. Sarah is a more strict, clean, and prim character. However, it is sometimes clear that Sarah is quite jealous of Annie because she is the one that Norman says he wants and she wants to replace Annie in Norman’s eyes. It does eventually happen, as in the second scene they kiss. The extract immediately appealed to both of us, so we decided to give it a try. The extract we did in November was actually two different dialogues taken from two different points in the play. The first is set in the living room in the house and the second is set in the garden. Immediate difficulties we experienced with the exert were few, but as ever there were some. The biggest problem in my mind at the beginning was how to perform the kissing part of the second scene effectively and without embarrassment. It really needed to look convincing as it is the peak of Sarah’s life, experiencing the closest thing she will ever feel to true love. It was essential that this came across in the performance. Then came the blocking of the scenes. First of all we just exchanged ideas and thoughts, coming up with a skeletal plan for how to go about performing both scenes. We discussed things such as how lines should be spoken, facial expressions and other small but significant effects. Afterwards we concentrated mainly on the first scene to get that near-perfect before trying the second scene. Once we had familiarized ourselves with the scene and had fairly certain ideas about what to do, we started to really act it out. Not long after, we did hot-seating as a class in which the person in the hot-seat had to answer their questions as their character. I enjoyed listening to other people answer questions with much thought, as they delved into previously unexplored regions of their character. When my turn came, I found it to be a very interesting experience, being able to answer questions as a different person. I had to capture his frame of mind and be able to answer the questions convincingly as Norman. It really helped me to get to grips with Norman’s character, behaviour and motivation and also to further my acting ability as Norman. When it was Elise’s turn, it too helped me to understand her character better than I previously did, which enabled me to respond to her better in the play. Following that, we spent most, if not all, of our time concentrating on the first scene, filling in the gaps and finalising parts of it. Performing it in front of the class also helped a lot as it was open to criticism and any ideas from the class or Mrs. Powles. One idea that really affected what we had rehearsed so far was that at the beginning of the first scene, Sarah storms in and physically removes my feet from the arm of the armchair before she sits on it. We had thought this to be a good idea to convey that Sarah was angry with Norman, which she was. The suggestion was that this was not a bad idea, just that it would be more effective if Sarah came in and stared at my feet distastefully, as if daring me to leave them there. When I then remove them, she brushes the arm with her hand before sitting in the chair. This, we decided, was much better than our original plan as it shows that Sarah is a less physical person, more prim and uptight. Throughout all the extract from then on, the amount of physical interaction Sarah did was kept to a bare minimum. We started needing the script less and less and we started on the second scene – a definite sign of all-round progress. I found the second scene much more difficult to do than the first, mainly for two reasons. The first was that I had to act drunk, as prior to this scene, offstage, Norman has been consuming large amounts of wine. The real difficulty with this was that I had to appear drunk by staggering around and slurring my words. The staggering part was okay to act but the slurring was the real problem as I still had to be understood by the audience. With practice and advice form Mrs. Powles, however, this problem was soon overcome. The second problem was the kissing part. We knew this would be difficult when we chose the piece, but we still chose to do it. Once the initial embarrassment of it was overcome, there was still an awkward feeling as Elise was my friend. But this we endured right up to the end. As the exam date drew nearer, we spent our time polishing up the piece and adding finishing touches to it, such as sound effects and music. We spent a lot of time searching through the sound effects for some birdsong to be used at the beginning of the second scene, just to inform the audience that it was set outside. As for music, we originally thought about using â€Å"When a man loves a woman†, but in the end we decided on using â€Å"Irresistible† by the Corrs. For lighting effects, we used straw and golden gels on fresnel spots. With regards to costume, we decided that I would look best in a pair of corduroy trousers with a check shirt. But unfortunately I could not obtain a pair of corduroy trousers, so we settled for a pair of chinos with a leather belt. This, we thought, conveyed Norman’s character quite well; not trendy or modern, yet laid back and charming. For Sarah, we both decided that Elise would look appropriate in a grey skirt suit, as it would convey Sarah’s prim and proper personality. When the final day came, it went very smoothly. Neither of us made any real mistakes and our lines were as perfect as they ever would have been. Overall we were both very pleased with our final performance. And, thankfully the audience did seem to enjoy it as they laughed in all the right places, sometimes a bit more enthusiastically than we both had previously expected, which could have meant only good things.

Is Democracy a Better form of Government Essay

Democracy is the best form of government simply because no other form of government is known to work well. Democracy may have its flaws but all in all it works very fluidly. Socialism, for example, does not even come close to the best form of government. One can easily see this in Greece’s current state. Democracy has never led to complete government disorder like one can see Socialism does. Democracy allows us the freedom to choose. The majority of our country is allowed to choose what they feel is best for them. It is not just one person deciding what they think is best for everyone else. Democracy will always win out over other forms of government. This process can happen through voting. Right to vote is a human right of every citizen. Political Rights form a distinct category of Human Rights. Right to vote, right to contest at elections and the right to hold public office are considered important political rights. A democracy seems to be the most stable form of government yet. No one person has power. No one ideology is deemed better than another. In a democracy, if something doesn’t work, it can and should be changed by the populace. Theocracies, monarchies and socialism all have their downsides. Democracy isn’t perfect, but that form of government seems to be the most peaceful, especially in America. â€Å"What difference does it make to the dead, the orphans and the homeless, whether the mad destruction is wrought under the name of totalitarianism or in the holy name of liberty or democracy? † ? Mahatma Gandhi People’s democracy is the lifeblood of socialism. †¦ As an important part of the overall reform, political restructuring must be constantly deepened along with economic and social development to adapt to the growing enthusiasm of the people for participation in political affairs.

The Birth of the American Nation

The American Revolution was not only a battle against the British; it was also a period of transition from a colony to a newly-formed country. Belonging to country that was just liberated from colonial rule, the Americans attempted to apply revolutionary ideology to the building of their nation and the making of their society.They managed to do so by first basing the Declaration of Independence on political freedom, social tolerance and economic opportunity. (http://www. megaessays. com, n. d.) Political freedom played a huge influence on the ideas and ambitions of the revolutionaries and also resulted in social tolerance and economic opportunity. (http://www. megaessays. com, n. d. )Hence, the Declaration of Independence was not a promise or an excuse to wage war with Britain – it was a challenge to the Americans to preserve their sovereignty and develop as a nation. (http://www. megaessays. com, n. d. ) Political freedom for the 13 colonies meant â€Å"breaking away from En gland and being able to develop a sense of identity and a sense of self-government.† (http://megaessays. com, n. d. ) â€Å"Sense of identity and a sense of self-government† referred to a central government that they themselves elected and in whose affairs they have a say. (http://megaessays. com, n. d. ) Indeed, the lack of political representation angered the Americans more than any other atrocity committed against them by the British. (http://megaessays. com, n. d. ) The absence of their opinion in government policy-making allowed the British to enact unjust laws, such as the Sugar Act (1764) and the Stamp Act (1765).The Sugar Act imposed a three-cent tax on imported refined sugar and increased taxes on coffee, indigo and certain types of wine. (http://www. socialstudiesforkids. com, n. d. ) Meanwhile, the Stamp Act required taxation for every printed paper that American colonists used. (http://www. socialstudiesforkids. com, n. d. ) With the 13 colonies free from th e grasp of the British government, the Americans then proceeded to create laws that promoted economic and social liberty. On March 1, 1784, Thomas Jefferson proposed a prohibition on slavery in the entire United States after 1800 (this was narrowly defeated).(http://www. historyplace. com, n. d. ) On May 8, 1785, the US Congress passed the Land Ordinance of 1785, which divided the northwest territories into â€Å"townships set at 6 square miles, subdivided into 36 lots of 640 acres each, with each lot selling for no less than $640. † (http://www. historyplace. com, n. d. ) Thomas Jefferson's Ordinance of Religious Freedom (1786) dictated that â€Å"no man may be forced to attend or support any church or be discriminated against because of his religious preference. † (http://www. historyplace. com, n. d.) The first amendment to the US Constitution was later patterned after this regulation. (http://www. historyplace. com, n. d. ) Despite their nation's independence, the Americans continued using some long-held conventions, laws and customs. For instance, the US Constitution espoused the national government's division into three branches: the legislative, the executive and the judiciary. The legislative branch creates the laws, the executive enforces the laws and the judicial branch interprets the laws. The colonial government has a similar structure. The governor headed the executive branch in each colony.He was â€Å"appointed by the king in the royal colonies, named by the proprietor in the proprietary colonies, and chosen by the voters in the charter colonies. † (www. grazian-archive. com, n. d. ) The governor was assisted by a council (appointed by the same agent that appointed the governor) in administering to the affairs of the colony. The governor (in the royal and proprietary colonies) can also exercise a suspensive (temporary) or full veto upon the colonial legislatures. The legislative branch in the colonial government was a bicame ral unit that was tasked to enact laws.It also had the authority to appoint several administrative officials, starting with the colonial treasurer. (www. grazian-archive. com, n. d) The judicial branch of the colonial government dealt with all cases in the colonies. Colonial judges were either appointed by the king or elected by the people, depending on the type of colony. They were tasked to provide colonists judicial rights that the British people enjoyed at home. (www. grazian-archive. com, n. d) Another long-held convention that the Americans used was the development of individual military institutions for each state.(http://www. americanrevolution. com, n. d. ) This ran parallel to Britain, which had separate military units for the colonies and the mother country. (http://www. americanrevolution. com, n. d. ) A civil war broke out in Britain in 1642, resulting in the abolition of the monarchy and the House of Lords and the relinquishment of power to General Oliver Cromwell and the army. (http://www. americanrevolution. com, n. d. ) Under Cromwell's dictatorship, the size of the military establishment under the British king was limited.This had a negative effect on the colonies, where Cromwell's absolutism fueled distrust of standing armies and the employment of professional soldiers. (http://www. americanrevolution. com, n. d. ) To compensate for the lack of soldiers, the colonies resorted to citizen-soldiers. (http://www. americanrevolution. com, n. d. ) A law passed in 1777 required able young men (except for slaves) to render military service to the colonies. They were trained in the basics of war and law enforcement and were also considered potential recruits for short military offensives in the frontier.Land grants were often provided in exchange for able soldiering, turning the military into an attractive prospect for laborers with no property of their own and their sons. (http://www. americanrevolution. com, n. d. ) But the American Revolution left some problems unresolved, if not created new ones. The Americans remained divided on the topic of slavery (Brinkley150). Slavery was abolished in states where either slavery was minimal or was non-existent at all, such as in New England and Pennsylvania, respectively (Brinkley 150).Even the South experienced pressure to rectify or even abolish the custom. All southern states except South Carolina and Georgia banned further importation of slaves from other countries, while South Carolina also prohibited slave trade during the war (Brinkley 150). Virginia created a law calling for manumission (the freeing of slaves) (Brinkley 150). However, slavery still survived in all southern and border states. The American Revolution also did little to promote the rights of women.Although the war made it easier for women in some states to obtain divorces and allowed women in New Jersey to vote, they still remained inferior and dependent on men (Brinkley 147). They had no access to education and h ad no legal protection from abusive and tyrannical men (Brinkley 146). Married women had no property rights of their own, making it difficult for widows of revolutionaries to regain their dowries from their husbands' estates (Brinkley 147). Aside from the issues of slaver and the emancipation of women, the Americans had to deal with post-war economic depression as well.(http://www. historyplace. com, n. d. ) The hostilities left Americans with a host of economic problems, such as shortage of currency, high taxes, nagging creditors, farm foreclosures and bankruptcies. (http://www. historyplace. com, n. d. ) Increasing poverty at this period led to rebellion and violence. On August 31, 1786, to avoid the trial and imprisonment of debtors, former war captain Daniel Shays led an armed throng and stopped the Northampton Court from observing a hearing (Shays was already an impoverished farmer at the time of the revolt).Shays and his followers later instigated several related uprisings. Th e American Revolution served as a model for later revolutions in Europe and Latin America. It served as the primary influence in the French Revolution (1798-1799), the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) and the South American wars of independence (Venezuela – 1811; Argentina – 1810 and Chile – 1810). But the most important lesson it taught was that while the oppressed can free themselves from a tyrant, they should ensure that they deserve the freedom that they won. Works Cited Brinkley, Alan.A Survey: American History. New York: McGraw-Hill Companies, 2007. â€Å"Essay on Declaration of Independence and American History. † n. d. Megaessays. com. 16 January 2007 . â€Å"Sugar Act. † n. d. Social Studies for Kids. 15 January 2008 . â€Å"A Summary of the 1765 Stamp Act. † n. d. Colonial Williamsburg. 15 January 2008 . â€Å"A New Nation: 1784 to 1790. † n. d. The History Place. 15 January 2008. â€Å"Three Branches of Government. † n . d. Utah Education Network. 15 January 2008 . â€Å"Early American Governments and the Confederation. † n. d. Grazian-Archive. com. 15 January 2008 . â€Å"The US Army and the Founding of the Republic. † n. d. AmericanRevolution. com 16 January 2008 .

Software Architecture report Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Software Architecture report - Essay Example This level of abstraction is called software architectural styles or patterns. These styles and patterns synonymously refer to a composition and arrangement of components and the way of interaction between these components (Bass, Clements, & Kazman, 2003, Section 5.9). This arrangement is in actual a generalization of the best practices adopted in specific problems. By identifying the style or pattern involved in a particular architecture, the software architects can immediately understand the basic working model of the intended system. Software architecture is a formal arrangement of integral elements/components of a system while architectural style or pattern is a generalization of the best practice solution that can be applied in a particular scenario. It represents of a  set of principles that provide an abstract framework of components, their types (whether a repository of computational component, etc.) their layout and relationships (e.g. input and output dependencies) and interaction mechanisms (e.g. events based, procedure calls, etc.) that all systems falling into a similar category can follow. Thus, architectural styles or patterns aid in partitioning a system and facilitate in reusing the pre-existing solution designs to solve the frequently occurring similar system formulation problems (Garland & Anthony, 2003, p. 171; Gomaa, 2011, p. 198). The problem and context of the selected architectural components aid in selecting a particular architectural style characterizing components and connectors (Gomaa, 2011, p. 205). In a style or pattern, components could be computational, memory related, managerial or a controller while the connector depicting interaction mechanisms between components could be procedure call, data flow, implicit invocation, message passing, shared data or instantiation. Section 2.1 to 2.10 provides a brief description of a few architectural styles and patterns (Taylor, Medvidovic, &

How To Build An Effective Team Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

How To Build An Effective Team - Essay Example Development of the employer-employee affiliation is significant to both parties for quite a few motives (McShane & Glinow, 2004, Pp 415-417). 2. Secondly, employees might discover that improved moral performance on their part in fact fallout in advanced reimbursement. For example, many organizations are concerned in connection with marketing, which is the procedure of generating and upholding lasting dealings with customers. Connections marketing, which can help an organization add to its income, necessitate the collaboration of employees. Employees that execute their jobs carefully and industriously are often pleased with elevated pays. 3. Thirdly, even if there is no substance increase, morally suitable behavior provides wisdom of complacency. So, it is beneficial for each organization to uphold elevated principled values and thus promote confidence among an organization and its employees. Organizational Behavior organizations or companies have been illustrated as groups of people who work mutually dependent headed for various reasons. This description evidently specifies that organizations are not structures or parts of any mechanism. Organizations are, certainly, people who work together to achieve communal purposes. The learning of organizational Behavior (OB) and its associated topics assist us to comprehend what people believe, sense and do in managerial surroundings. There are quantities of behavioral regulations that supply to OB: psychology, sociology, social psychology, anthropology, and political science. There are a lot of disputes and chances today for managers to use OB perceptions. One of the mainly significant and multi-ethnic confronts facing organizations at present is developing a new team. Organizations are becoming more diverse in provisions of gender, race, and ethnicity. Keeping in consideration the ideas of OB permits organization to make possib le the needs of developing a new team. Characteristics For Building A New Team 1. Supervisors, managers and association personnel members generally discover ways to progress business consequences and productivity. Many view team-support as the most excellent plan for linking all employees in generating trade accomplishment. No matter what one calls its team-support development attempt: incessant development, totality of quality, bend over manufacturing or self-aimed at work teams one is determined to get better consequences for its customers. 2. Considering diverse kinds of people and probable behaviors to contract with them permits a manager to choose the management style and techniques most suitable to their circumstances to build an effective team. 3. Research on performance of employees in an association could assist in choosing and guiding founded on there experienced prospective to execute the job. 4. Employees performance aids in make a decision of wages rates, founding presentation standards, work scheduling, allocation of work according to persons capability and locating to-do list when building a team.

Scope for exploiting Big Data and Big Data Analytics in the local Essay

Scope for exploiting Big Data and Big Data Analytics in the local transport industry - Essay Example With great developments in information and communication technology, most of the data produced every day is generated by people all over the world through social networks; however other types of important data are collected using cameras, GPS equipment, satellites and other devices for many uses. Over the last decade, business strategy has become increasingly dependent on information about potential customers and their characteristics. This data is obtained from the huge collection of data referred to as Big Data through processes like data mining and analyzed to help in business strategy. Analytics is the other method of collecting vital consumer information and it involves real time tracking of consumer characteristics. This paper examines how Big data analytics can be used in the transportation industry to improve quality of service, add value to services and develop applications that will enhance service provision in the industry and reduce loss of time and money. The study has d efined Big data and some of the theories that enable its application as well as examined the benefits and challenges provided by big data analytics in the transportation industry locally and globally. 1.0 Introduction 1.1 Background More data is currently being generated worldwide than at any other point historically. Over the last five years, the volume of data generated globally is estimated to have increased by a factor of six to over 1000 exabytes (Dumbill, 2012). The ‘digital’ universe is expected to reach 8 zettabytes by the year 2015. In general the data explosion is projected to increase with time especially with new data types being developed and increased access to networked devices all over the world including smart phones and geo-positioning devices (Woo et al., 2011). The data being accumulated comes from a wide range of sources. However, the data growth is driven by two main sources working together with decreasing storage costs. The first source for data is the â€Å"internet of things†. A number of sensors collate information on our activities and environment on a daily basis. These connected devices contribute substantially to the amount of information accumulated daily and they are projected to rise from about 4.5 billion devices in 2010 to over 50 billion in 2020 (Dumbill, 2012). The second greatest source of data is the social web of networks where information about human activities is shared on a daily basis. This includes data about human preferences, interests, and locations. On addition to the two major sources of data highlighted above, there are a number of other private sources including hospital records, phone communications, financial transactions, information captured on CCTV and many others. The McKinsey Global Institute has termed big data as the next frontier for competition, innovation, and global productivity (Manyika, 2011). The analysis of masses of unstructured and semi-structured data which some time a go would have been considered prohibitive in terms of time and money is now considered the next step towards business advantage. One of the reasons why this data has turned out to be very important is that great insight can be gained from the data by monitoring the patterns of human interaction. One of the areas in which big data displays great potential is the transportation industry. This is an industry which increasingly showing great requirement for an industrial big data platform. With increasing urbanization and expansion of many cities across the world, traffic management and related challenges are getting bigger by the day. In some of the largest and more congested cities in the

Syncretizing Views in Religion Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Syncretizing Views in Religion - Essay Example Thus, according to the Chinese community, syncretism is a mixture of more than one religion. There are several definitions that have been brought out in relation to syncretism to fit the Chinese religious community. According to Judith Berling, syncretism is the affirmation, borrowing and integrating the various concepts, practices, and symbols in one religion to another through reconciliation and selection. To incorporate the Chinese religion and syncretism, the natural dissonance that exist in religious ideas and gestures may disappear. In the article, syncretism is not meant to permit the monopoly of mixing of religious ideologies in a multi –religious community. Furthermore, to fully understand syncretism, one has to consider three aspects in religious interaction. These are what are not applicable. For instance, one has to understand that syncretism does not apply with ecumenicism. According to the article, ecumenicism applies in understanding the universal truth. This as pect asserts that different religious views are sustained separately by tradition in the external elements and not truth perceptions. This may include modes of discourse and other ritual practices. Therefore, there is one truth which is common in this kind of truth. Secondly, syncretism is not considered inclusivism.... Therefore, this is a perfect syncretic combination among dominant religions. Furthermore, compartmentalism is not an aspect of syncretism. This is because it recognizes that various teachings deal with varied of reality and are concerned with different truth aspects. Thus, each religious tradition functionally is specialized in one way or the other and can easily complement the other without reducing the other. Furthermore, each addresses several issues without overlapping one another. More so, each religion has a specific realm of thoughts. This concept accepts the issues in Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism as practiced in China. For one to really analyze a text as syncretic, he or she has to understand that syncretism is not related to eclectism. This is the ability of one religion to adopt the other despite the differing religious doctrines. In this article the concept of three teachings is basically a concept of syncretism. In the three teachings, there is one origin and similar teachings. As depicted in the article, Taoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism are not an innovation by Yuan. The Tang dynasty is the core unifier of the three concepts. Thus, the efforts to keep the three distinct and not unified were achieved as they developed organizations, ritual practices and intellectual thoughts. The three are believed to have had a common set of teachings. Despite the different philosophical teachings among the three concepts, there were efforts to merge the three into one religious doctrine. They thus devised a poem which illustrated the emperor as a syncretic. Furthermore, the development of the song in the dynasty to develop the neo-colonialism ushered a relationship in the three teachings to merge as one phase. What is believed to have

Pledge to Action against Cyber-bullying Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Pledge to Action against Cyber-bullying - Essay Example Internet has truly made our school life easier. Aside from this, the Internet also keeps us close with our peers, including the long-lost ones. Through instant messaging and social media, conversations are truly easy with just a click of a mouse. It, thus, draws us closer to our loved ones, and connects us to those whom we share our interests with. Along with the good sides of the Internet are its downsides as well. With the increasing popularity of Facebook and Youtube, people sometimes make use of the strong reach of such websites to spread bad rumors about other people. This, we all know, is cyber-bullying. As pointed out by Erick Fisher in his article entitled Blah Blah Blah Blog, cyber-bullying is a phenomenon that children and adolescents seem to be increasingly using to harm others. In addition to this, Childnet International claimed in its article entitled Safe to Learn: Embedding Anti-bullying Work in School that cyber-bullying is a common feature in the lives of many young people. This is also reinforced in the online research of Robert Bamford on Cyber-bullying which stated that the significant and substantial changes in youth society are a result of new information and communication technologies. Therefore, the ease of creating and communicating in cyber space has led to changing patterns of participation. In this light, we have become active shapers of the nature of cyber world due to our capacity to develop and refine cyber communication devices. Unfortunately, it has turned out to be a bad thing. As teens, we surely want to protect our identity, be it in the real or in the cyber world. Thus, there is a need for us to come together and put an end to cyber-bullying, or at least lessen the incidences related to this negative online phenomenon. While the oldies may point at promiscuity and decadent morals of teens as the primary culprits behind cyber-bullying, we can surely prove to them that we can make an act against cyber-bullying, an act that is not only substantial, but also cool. Appeal to the Youth: Act against Cyber-bullying We believe that we are shapers the shapers of tomorrow. The future lies in our hands. With the immensity of the opportunities that lie ahead of us, it is crucial for us to ensure that we always uphold human values which will protect the dignity of human person. We always need to side with the good. Therefore, as we recognize the convergence of the media—which creates a more convenient venue for inter-personal communication, we need to remain stable in our values. Although we believe that the ultimate key to solving cyber-bullying is through the education of our will to always respect other people, we think that we can further concretize our actions by drafting specific measures that are relevant to us youth today. With this, let us all join hands in tightening our campaign against cyber-bullying. Let us act now! Project PTAC: Pledge to Action against Cyber-bullying According to two great adve rtising gurus David Ogilvy and Leo Burnett, a great idea is useless unless there is solid execution. Thus, to ensure that our vision is turned into a reality, we would need to get the help of each one. Execution I: PTAC Website As what most people say, ‘keep your friends close, and your enemies closer’. Obviously, if we want to help lessen cases of cyber-bullying, we have to attack it not only in the right manner, but more importantly in the right venue. Thus, the first step is

Street Art is a style and an influence Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Street Art is a style and an influence - Essay Example The definition of street art, whether discussing the spray painted graffiti of Banksy or the chalk sidewalk drawings of Beever, changes depending upon who is providing the definition. Although often referred to as art, its artistic merits are frequently ignored or deemed unimportant, as is exemplified in the definition provided by the Dublin City Council in which only one of the five listed characteristics even mentions its artistic qualities: â€Å"Graffiti is illegal and an anti-social activity that creates a negative impression of an area and contributes to people’s fear of crime; †¦ is the most common type of property vandalism; †¦ is often the first element in a spiral of decline; †¦ Its artistic merits are irrelevant. It represents one group of people imposing themselves on everyone else and as such is a form of pollution, like people playing loud music †¦ is also a green issue as it is an attack on the environment.† Because chalk art washes aw ay with a good rain, this is not often considered to be as great a nuisance as the spray-paint-wielding wall painters and is thus not addressed in such specific terms by government agencies. Attempting to present a more objective view, Stowers (2005) says simply â€Å"Graffiti is art†, but then follows this with an argument against the establishment definitions with â€Å"The reasons, including aesthetic criteria, as to why it is an art form far outweigh the criticism of illegality, incoherence, and nonstandard presentation.† While both the work of Banksy in spray pain.

Evaluate the renewable energy sector in the Netherlands, using Essay

Evaluate the renewable energy sector in the Netherlands, using Porter's Diamond model - Essay Example The country has one of the most advanced off shore wind industries in the world (Jansen, Ostertag and Waltz, 2011). The renewable energy sector enjoys a top-sector status in the country hence, enjoys exponential and far reaching investment by both government, private sector and even science and technology institutions are encouraged to build capabilities, conduct research and test technologies in the country at subsidized costs (Ibon, Eguino and Anil, 201). For the top-sector, there are top- teams consisting of scientists, senior officials, small and medium enterprise representatives and figureheads in the sector (Matschoss, 2011). These top teams are responsible for identifying necessary adjustments and foreseeable challenges and possible opportunities in the sector and promptly advice the investors, businesses, scientists and the government on the best approach for maximum impact (Lovinfosse, 2008). This pragmatic intervention in the sector has greatly improved innovations in the s ector for the Netherlands. The Netherlands also has an innovation contract in the renewable energy sector which primarily seeks to achieve the realization of European targets with regards to lowering emissions and sourcing at least 14 percent of total national energy consumption from Renewable Energy Sources (RES) that was made available in the year 2012.In the contract are substantive and financial agreements between companies, scientists and the government and its implementation started in 2012 and 2013.Even though not a producer herself, the Netherlands has a strategic locational advantage in terms of pipeline transit for gas for the North-West Europe (Bruekers, 2007). This ambitious measure has been taken by the government ownedcompanies, The Gas Union and EBN (Jeroen and Bruinsma, 2008). Demand Conditions: Renewable energy is extremely popular and enjoys favorable perception among

Investment Advice for Microsoft Research Proposal

Investment Advice for Microsoft - Research Proposal Example Microsoft - major industry player - is headed by Mr. Steven A. Balmer, Microsoft’s 49-year old Chief Executive Officer (CEO).   The company’s co-founder, the illustrious Mr. Bill Gates, also sits in the Board of Directors and acts as its Chief Technological Architect.   As at end of the fiscal year 2005, Mr. Balmer along with the other directors of the company received an average annual salary of about $1.0 million each. As a global company, Microsoft operates in various countries across the world.   The headquarter is located at One Microsoft Way in Redmond, Washington D.C.   Direct competitors of Microsoft include other formidable companies such as Google Inc., International Business Machines Corp. (IBM) and Oracle Corp.   In terms of sales, Microsoft came in second to IBM as at end-June 2005.   However, Microsoft has posted the highest net income as compared to other industry players. Based on the above financial highlights, it can be seen that sales of Microsoft are steadily accelerating as evidenced by the moderate sales growth in the last three years.   In the same way, the income the company generated as at end-June 2005 has recovered from the decline in the previous year.   The sales and income posted by Microsoft are well above the industry average in 2005. Similarly, Microsoft has consistently proven its ability to convert sales into income in the past three years as seen in the company’s net profit margin.   Its 3-year average of 28% is higher than the industry average of only 23.5%. In terms of liquidity, Microsoft is highly liquid since it has more than sufficient current assets to cover its current liabilities.   As such it has a high current ratio that sends a positive signal to investors.

Evaluation of Critical Theory in Tourism Essay Example for Free

Evaluation of Critical Theory in Tourism Essay In spite of the consensus on the importance of research, the existing literature in hospitality and tourism research does not contain any commonly agreed upon ways of evaluating research performance. The most frequently used proxy for assessing research performance is authorship and institution analyses by counting the number of published articles in selected research journals (Jogaratnam, McCleary, Mena, and Yoo, 2005; Malhotra and Kher, 1996; Sheldon, 1991; Weaver, McCleary, and Farrar, 1990; Zhao and Ritchie, 2006). 4 While counting the number of published articles in selected journals may be simple to perform and interpret, this approach is subject to many methodological problems. Wood (1995), as well as Losekoot, Verginis, and Wood (2001), argued that counting publications in selected journals as an indicator of academic productivity is too narrow and geographically-based. Similarly, Ryan (2005) and Hall (2005) stated that focusing on publications in research journals would exclude many researchrelated activities such as writing books, supervising postgraduate students, and taking on leadership roles in the international academic community. Likewise, the conjecture which this paper makes is that using the number of published articles in selected tourism and hospitality journals as an indicator of research performance is an incomplete, if not biased approach, as other research-related activities are simply excluded from consideration. Such a statement is made on the basis that many established academics do not publish in the selected journals. In addition, in order to obtain a more comprehensive measurement of research performance, other scholarly activities such as participation in research projects, editorship of research journals, membership of editorial boards and conference committees, participation in international conferences, and memberships of international/national organisations should also be incorporated into the overall evaluation process. In response to the absence of prior studies on determining research performance for tourism and hospitality academics in a comprehensive way, this exploratory study makes an attempt to fill the void by investigating the perception of university program heads on the importance of different research-related activities. Program heads are the academics who assume key responsibilities in academic departments or  divisions. Examples of these key responsibilities include research leadership and evaluations (Wikipedia, 2006). Findings are thus anticipated to lead to 5 further insights on research performance evaluation, which in turn help academics appropriately set their own career development plans.

Impact of Race and Poverty on Educational Opportunities

Impact of Race and Poverty on Educational Opportunities Carrie Hatcher Literature Review Introduction There have been abundant studies conducted on how race and poverty can affect the educational opportunities of students (Cashin, 2014; Brisport, 2013; Hallinan, 2010; Milner, 2013; Moses, 2011). By researching and studying the variables of race and poverty within an educational setting I hope to be able to further contribute to the knowledge base of how race and poverty can affect educational opportunities of students in our society today. This literature review will help contribute knowledge to the field of educational geography to further enhance the research and studies currently being done on race and poverty and the effect that both of these variables have on educational opportunities. Butler and Hamnett, (2007) stated that there is a strong connection between race and educational opportunity with a major inequality being noted between blacks and whites and Jackson et al., (2013) would agree that the connection between race and educational opportunity exists especially between b lacks and whites. Jackson et al., (2013) noted in their article that at the college level black students have larger student loan amounts and have a higher risk of loan default than white students. Both articles note socioeconomic status as the main reason for the existence of the inequality between black students and white students. I would tend to agree that the socioeconomic standing of a student will affect their educational opportunities. I know from experience and observation that most black students do come from families that have a lower social standing than most white students. It is sad that our society puts so much emphasis on race and income to determine the worth of a person when in reality neither should have a bearing on what a students is able to do with their life. Holloway et al., (2010) states that there are two techniques that can be used to examine educational geography. The two techniques are â€Å"inward-looking† and â€Å"outward-looking† geographies. The inward-looking technique is used to examine the spatial variation in education or where the educational space is located. The other technique is the outward-looking which uses spatial variations to study more than just the location of the educational space but it also looks at social, economic and political variables as well. It was also stated by Holloway et al., (2010) that our spatial lens needs to be broadened when we decide what an educational space is. It is important that when geographers look at and study educational spaces that the focus needs to be broadened to include any place where learning can take place and also to include social variables such as economic and political into their studies. An educational space can be located in other places outside of a form al educational institution or school. Students can learn outside of a class room as well and this learning needs to be incorporated into the study of educational geography just as much as the learning that takes place inside of a school classroom. What a child learns within society can affect them just as much as what they learn within a classroom. Holloway et al., (2010) states in their journal article that educational attainment fundamentally shapes students’ future life chances. I would have to disagree with this statement. I believe that it takes more than just an education in order for a student to be able to be successful in life. It also takes a positive environment for the child to grow up in. I am a firm believer that where a child lives and what environment a child grows up in can make all the difference in the world to the child’s future and how successful the child is. If the environment the child grows up in provides a positive and rich learning environmen t that the child can thrive in then I think that the child can be successful regardless of social standing within the community of their family. However, Butler and Hamnett, (2007) would disagree with me. Within their article they state that education alone is the key to long term economic growth and reducing social inequality. Whereas Cashin, (2014) would agree with me as she noted in her article where research suggests that where a person lives can directly affect not only the person’s social status but economic status as well. Holloway et al., (2010) also noted that the focus needs to be put on the connections between home and school and how sociospatial practices can shape students. Geographers within the field of educational geography need to also take a closer look more at the sociospatial practices and not just the physical building where the educational learning takes place. They need to also look at the connections between the student’s home life, school and s ociety to be able to see the complete picture and how race and poverty can affect a student just as much as where their education is obtained. Race In our society today we say that we are not a racist society and that everyone is seen as equal, that we welcome diversity. But is that really true today? Segregation may not be as prominent or as enforced as it once was historically but it still quietly exists in our society today. This quiet segregation is what is causing race to affect the educational opportunities of students today. It was argued by Brisport, (2013) that opportunity leads to success and success to power but to gain power you have to be a part of a select group of the current power holders who are the majority race. In an effort to keep the minority races from getting power the majority race denies opportunity through the educational system. (Brisport, 2013) Whereas Moses, (2011) argues against Brisport in one part of her article and states that a student’s race does not necessarily influence the student’s educational opportunities and that other factors such as internal or cultural factors may actua lly keep students from achieving their full potential. Moses then turns around later in the same article and contradicts what she had previously stated aligning her statements more with Brisport’s by stating that race and ethnicity continue to play a significant role in American society. Both authors bring to light arguments that could both be seen as valid even though they contradict one another. I can see Brisport’s point of how students are denied the opportunity for success and power through the denial of a proper education because of their race. However, I can also see Moses point where educational opportunities are influenced by factors other than race and that race alone does not hinder educational opportunities. Student’s that are living in bad home situations, in poverty level homes or in a culture that does not value education could have their educational opportunities affected by these outside factors and it have nothing to do with their race at all. Change is inevitable for our society in the future as more and more immigrants come to the United States to try to make a better life for themselves and their children. Our society will almost be forced to become more accepting of the minority race within the educational system and embrace diversity. Brisport, (2013) would agree as she notes in her journal article that the number of minority students in the public school system is growing and is predicted to become larger than the number of white students by the year 2023. It was noted by Cashin, (2014) that the use of place rather than race within diversity programming in education would help move past racial resentment. Diversity within educational opportunities for the students of our society is on the horizon and we need to prepare the upcoming future generations of students for this inevitable change. Poverty When we think of poverty and how it affects educational opportunities we tend to think only of the students income and poverty level. As noted by Hallinan et al., (2010) the fairness of educational opportunity is threatened not only by gaps in student achievement by race and student poverty but, by school poverty as well. We then need to also turn our attention to the poverty level of the schools that the students are attending as well to fully understand how educational opportunities are affected by poverty in general on both the student level as well as the school level. Milner, (2013) argues that schools have very little influence on the achievement of students and their educational opportunities. Whereas Hallinan et al., (2010) argues against Milner in their article by stating that the poverty level of a school can affect the achievement level of the students. Schools that have a low level of poverty show better improvement in educational opportunities than schools that have high poverty levels. The case for this is further strengthened by Hallinan et al., (2010) with the statistics that poor sixth graders in middle class schools were 20 months ahead of poor sixth graders in a high poverty school. Milner, (2013) does admit in his article after arguing that schools have little influence on educational opportunities that resources can be limited in a high poverty schools and this in turn could affect the educational opportunity of the students. Diversity is becoming more and more common place within our society. As noted previously, immigration was included within the variable of race that was looked at within this review. We can also note within this review that the variable of poverty does include an immigration factor as well. The labor market segmentation theories introduced by Everett et al., (2011) can help to understand how immigrants attain education by looking at their various involvements in the primary and secondary labor markets. Within the secondary labor market is the lower paying labor intensive jobs. With immigrants having limited chances to improve their lives from the secondary labor market to the primary labor market the secondary market attracts immigrants with a lower educational level. The limited chance of improvement also discourages immigrants from obtaining educational opportunities to further their education (Everett et al., 2011). While talking about immigration and how it affects educational opp ortunities Cashin (2014) argued that there is an immigrant tie to the level of poverty a student experiences. Within her article she notes that Latino students attend schools where two-thirds of the peers are poor as compared to white students who attend schools where sixty percent of the peers are not poor. She also notes that exposure to extensive poverty is normal for most Latinos while the opposite is true for most whites (Cashin, 2014). Since poverty levels have been shown to affect your educational opportunities by Anderson, (2014) then no wonder immigrants do not try to obtain educational opportunities and end up settling for the lower paying jobs that they can obtain with a lower level education and make no effort to obtain any educational opportunities. Poverty is real and experienced by children every day even though we as a society tend to think only of adults living in poverty. As stated by Anderson, (2014) every child deserves the opportunity to learn. The statistics that are presented by Anderson, (2014) within his article are shocking and surprising to me. These statistics include â€Å"22 percent of all children are living in poverty; 28 percent of Black children live in poverty; 25 percent of Hispanic children live in poverty; 4 percent of children live in extreme poverty; 21 percent of households with children are food insecure and 32 percent of children live with a parent with unstable employment† (Anderson, 2014). With these kinds of statistics it is amazing that children can learn and do have educational opportunities. Especially since it has been found that many studies show a correlation between poverty, housing and educational opportunities and that disadvantaged students or students living in poverty do show t o have poor academic performance (Anderson, 2014). While revisiting the research on how living in a poverty level income home affects a student’s educational opportunities it was also shown by Anderson, (2014) that income levels can affect a student’s education and also their cognitive development. Conclusion Within this review I have shown examples of research that state where race and poverty can affect the educational opportunities of students as well as examples of research that state that race and poverty have no bearing on the educational opportunities of students. I found it surprising in the various research articles that I reviewed that statements were made that race and poverty have no bearing on educational opportunities of the students within our society today. I feel like race, poverty and other factors such as cultural, economic and political all play a part in affecting the educational opportunities of students within our society today. Within this review I have also shown how educational geography can play a role in the educational opportunities of students in our society. In looking at the various research in the field of educational geography and how educational opportunities can be affected I found that the two themes of race and poverty reoccurred time and time again a s factors that can have an effect on a student’s educational opportunities. When looking at race and how it affects educational opportunities of students I found a variety of opinions within the research. On one side of the research the race of a student is seen as a power tool and that opportunity can lead to success and success then to power, but only if you are of the right race. The majority race then uses the educational opportunities of the students to deny this attainment of success and power to the minority because of their race (Brisport, 2013). It also showed in the research that ethnicity and race continue to be a significant factor in American society today. On the other hand there is research that shows that a student’s race does not necessarily affect the student’s educational opportunities, but rather other factors such as internal and cultural factors may actually keep students from obtaining their full educational opportunities (Moses, 2011). It was also seen in the research that diversity within educational opportunities of st udents is growing. The number of minority students was shown to be predicted to increase and become larger than the number of white students by the year 2023 (Brisport, 2013). It was also interesting to note that within the research the use of place rather than race within diversity programs in education could help societies move past racial resentment (Cashin, 2014). Based on the reviews of the literature that I conducted on how race affects educational opportunities, to the best of my knowledge, the studies did not take into account the student’s home environment when looking at factors that affect educational opportunities. In order to fully understand the factors that affect educational opportunities of students today more needs to be considered than just the factors of race and poverty. Other socioeconomic factors such as cultural values, living environments and sociospatial practices all need to be considered. While researching poverty and how it can affect educational opportunities I noticed that the opinions within the research vary. It was interesting to note within the research that not only student poverty levels but school poverty levels as well can affect the educational opportunities of the students (Hallinan et al., 2010). One argument made within the research states that schools have little influence on the achievement of students (Milner, 2013). An opposing argument was made that states the poverty level of a school can affect the achievement level of the students and that schools that have a low level of poverty show more improvement than schools that have high poverty that was backed up with statistical information (Hallinan et al., 2010). Milner, (2013) does go on to state later in his article that a limit in resources in high poverty schools can affect the educational opportunity of the students. While looking at poverty and how it affects the educational opportunities the l abor market segmentation theories were introduced by Everett et al., (2011) to help understand how immigrants are discouraged from educational opportunities. Latino students were noted by Cashin, (2014) to attend schools where their peers are poor as compared to the white students who attend schools where most of their peers are not poor and that most Latinos are exposed to extensive poverty. Since it was shown that the poverty level of a school can affect the students educational opportunities then this information presented by Cashin, (2014) within her article would show that Latino students are at a disadvantage when it comes to educational opportunities. The staggering statistics provided by Anderson, (2014) on the poverty level of children shows how poverty levels can affect a student’s academic performance and their educational opportunities. After reviewing the literature on how poverty affects educational opportunities, to the best of my knowledge, the literature did not take into account the poverty levels of past generations within the family to see if there is a trend of poverty from one generation to the next. A way to further the research on this topic would be to see if there is a trend of poverty from one generation to the next and if a trend is present to see if there is a way to break that trend to ensure that the future generation would have a better opportunity to obtain a higher income level and better educational opportunities. Resources Anderson, W. S. (2014). Poverty, Housing and Education: A Personal Perspective. Journal Of Housing Community Development, 71 (1), 14-15. Brisport, N. N. (2013). Racism Power: The Inaccessibility of Opportunity in the Educational System in the United States. National Lawyers Guild Review, 70(1), 17-29. Butler, T., Hamnett, C. (2007). The Geography of Education: Introduction. Urban Studies, 44(7), 1161-1174. Cashin, S. (2014). Place, Not Race: Affirmative Action and the Geography of Educational Opportunity. University Of Michigan Journal Of Law Reform, 47935. Everett, B. G., Rogers, R. G., Hummer, R. A., Krueger, P. M. (2011). Trends in Educational Attainment by Race/Ethnicity, Nativity, and Sex in the United States, 1989-2005. Ethnic Racial Studies, 34(9), 1543-1566. Hallinan, M. T., Kubitschek, W. N. (2010). School Sector, School Poverty, and the Catholic School Advantage, Catholic Education: A Journal Of Inquiry And Practice, 14(2), 143-172. Holloway, S. L., Hubbard, P., Jons, H., Pimlott-Wilson, H. (2010). Geographies of education and the significance of children, youth and families. Progress In Human Geography, 34(5), 583-600. Jackson, B. A., Reynolds, J. R. (2013). The Price of Opportunity: Race, Student Loan Debt, and College Achievement. Sociological Inquiry, 83(3), 335-368. Milner, H. R. (2013). Analyzing Poverty, Learning, and Teaching Through a Critical Race Theory Lens. Review of Research in Education, 37(1), 1-53. Moses, M. S. (2011). Race, Affirmative Action, and Equality of Educational Opportunity in a So-Called â€Å"Post-Racial† America. Kansas Journal Of Law Public Policy, 20(3), 413-427.

Analysis of Migrants in London

Analysis of Migrants in London The capital of both England and the United Kingdom, throughout the previous two millennia London has proven to be an internationally significant political, cultural and commercial epicentre, particularly with regard to the recent phenomenon of globalisation. The population of London totals approximately seven million residents, the metropolitan area of which includes in excess of twelve million people. Its official formation dates to the first century AD, wherebyLondinium enjoyed the position of the capital of the Roman Empire in the province of Britannia (Anderson, 1996): by the eighteenth century London was considered the largest city in the world and the nucleus of the British Empire. London has long been a magnet for migrants, both domestic andinternational. The capital city has, for centuries, enjoyed a somewhatdelicate relationship with many cultures, religions and faiths, andwith a resident population representative of predominant globalnationalities (Sassen, 2001). In excess of two hundred languages arespoken in the capital, indicative of the importance of the city as anucleus for the immigration of refugees and migrants throughouthistory. The medieval era was a significantly active period for thesettlement of migrants in London, particularly with immigrants fromEurope. Though encouraged by William the Conqueror, in the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, to relocate to England, the Jewish population weresubsequently ejected from the country during the thirteenth century(Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The majority of the capital’s international trade was controlled andmonopolised by the foreign merchants, themselves immigrants to thecity, and, as in the twentieth century, history has witnessed thedevelopment of specific industries and trades by the skilled foreignmigrants relocating to London. The presence of black minorities in thecity has been felt since the Tudor period, and, though many arrived asfree citizens, the slave trade in Africa consequentially increased theblack population of London significantly following the 1570s (Houston,1996). The metamorphosis of predominant religion in England, followingthe country’s estrangement from the Catholic Church, resulted in themigration of a momentous quantity of persecuted Protestant refugeesfrom the Continent, the majority of which settled in London. Fourcenturies later, the Second World War culminated in the shortage ofcapable workers in the capital, and encouraged the migration of labourto London from Europe: until t he early 1960s, England was active in thecolonies of the West Indies and India, recruiting labour for the worstaffected areas of the United Kingdom. Subsequently, British citizensfrom colonial nations, such as those Cypriot citizens dispossessed bythe invasion of Turkey, have sought refuge in the capital, and the cityremains a sanctuary for foreign citizens living in fear or persecutedby problematic regimes. In addition, and similar to many capitalcities, London attracts many domestic migrants from across the UK, asignificant number of which augment the homeless population of theregion. In the twentieth century, the continual influx of a variety ofcultures, ethnicities and religions has resulted in a capital city thatis extremely diverse, energetic and dynamic (Kymlicka, 1996). London iscurrently one of the most substantial cities, with a total land area of1,584 km2, and is considered the most heavily populated city in Europewith approximately 7.4 million inhabitants and a ratio of approximately4,665 individuals per km2; in the European Union, London is third onlyto Paris and Brussels with regard to population density figures(Kershen, 1997). As such, it is unremarkable, therefore, that a rapidlychanging population structure should affect and impinge upon both theeconomy and housing market. According to recent research conducted bythe Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors, rental costs areincreasingly exponentially as a result of the significantly high demandfor property (HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister,2005). This paper will attempt to review the increase in immigration toLondon, specifically contrast data from two economically and culturallycontrasting boroughs, explicitly Kensington and Lambeth. The paper willalso assess the economic effects of migration to the city, particularlywith regard to the associated increase in rental costs and deficienciesin the housing market. Table 1: Household projections (based on principal projections). Officeof National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migrationestimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 2: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum net migration): regional spread based on regional net overseas inward migration rates. Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 3: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum netmigration): regional spread of increases as per the principal projections. Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) SustainableCommunities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Table 4: Greater London migration 1991-2001, in thousands. Office of national Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics The arrival the Normans to Britain, and their subsequent invasion, heralded a new era of political, religious and economic migrations to the United Kingdom. The anti-Semitic sentiments throughout the continent encouraged the migration of Jewish merchants and craftsmen to London, though the Jewish communities remained purposefully insular and burial provisions were restricted to a single Jewish cemetery until1177 (Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The seemingly global opinion of London as a political and religious refuge for the persecuted, the displaced and the dispossessed has continued for a further millennium, and subsequently, the capital has evolved into a multi-cultural,multi-ethnicity amalgamation that appears irresistible to many domestic and foreign migrants into the twenty-first century (Kymlicka, 1996). London’s reputation as a quintessentially global city, considered by some commentators to be the most international city in the world, can trace its history to its relative tolerance towards culturally diverse residents; a phenomenon which was emphasised during the post-colonial migration of British citizens from former Empire nations (Favell,2001). In addition, the latter decades of the twentieth century witnessed remarkable exoduses from the ecumenical labour market, with significant, though largely not quantified, migration into London. To many international observers, London appears to be the zenith of contrariness. Geographically, the city maintains its manufacturing and service industries in the northern and southern regions, with business, financial and retail districts dominating the centre of London (Sassen, 2001). In 2004, the city and its thirty-two boroughs exhibited anestimated 7,421,228 residents giving London the status of the jointmost populated city in Europe (in addition to Moscow) (Wrigley, 2004), however, the accuracy of population data for the capital is perpetually under debate due to its reliance on resident participation in returning official surveys, and subsequent analyses proposed that the population on Census Day totalled a figure approximating 7.3 million inhabitants. Indeed, the governmental estimation of the city’s populace conducted in 2003 suggested that the official figure is approximately 7,387,900 (Office of National Statistics, 2003a). The population of London is directly and significantly affected and altered by both migration and the natural life-events of birth and death. While the birth and death rate of the city has, in recent decades, remained reasonably stable as a result of the deficit infectious disease and significant military conflict (Office for national Statistics, 2005a), the population is continually and incomparably influenced by migratory trends. London exhibits a disproportionately high demographic of citizens within the 20-44 year old age bracket, a feature directly attributable to inbound domestic and foreign migration. Relying on the official 2001 Census alone, migration figures in the 12 month period prior to the research suggest that Greater London favoured comparably with the remainder of the United Kingdom, both possessing an inward migration equating to approximately 12% of the residential population. The Census indicated that Inner London, however, had experienced a markedly higher migrat ory influx, with approximately 17.5% of the population represented. Similarly, migration from abroad totaled approximately 1.2% of the population for outer London, however, this contrasts significantly with the foreign inbound migration statistics for inner London, which approximate 2.5%. It is, however, imperative to appreciate thatimmigration into the United Kingdom is frequently and substantiallychallenged by illegal entry, and, inevitably, any figures relating tomigration from aboard are conceivably underrepresented. (Office ofNational Statistics, 2001: table KS24) Statistics for the United Kingdom indicate a prevalence of females than males in the population, with an average across age brackets of 50.7%(Office for National Statistics, 2005a) and predominantly more females than males in all age brackets post-30 years. London conforms to this trend, with an average proportion of females at 50.6 per cent. However,the profile of London with regard to the demographics of age, and in contrast with the United Kingdom as a whole, indicates that residents in the capital incline towards younger than average age brackets: the mean age for the United Kingdom is approximately 38.9, compared to 36.5for the resident population of London (Office for National Statistics,2005a). From data collated in 2003, the under-7 and 22-43 year old age bracket are significantly overrepresented in London in comparison to the population of the United Kingdom, however, representation in other age brackets from the London data is appreciably lower, with notably fewer people pr esenting in the 12-15 and 49+ age brackets. From the same 2003 data, approximately 35% of the population of the United Kingdom were placed in the 20-44 year old age bracket, comparable to 44per cent from the residential population of London. This bracket is particularly significant as it is responsible for rates of both economic activity and virtually all births. Within the previous decade, available data indicates that net migration into the United Kingdom averaged approximately 166,000 per annum(Office of National Statistics, 2003a; Office of National Statistics,2003b). Furthermore, between 2004 and 2031 the population of the country is estimated to increase by approximately 7.2 million, with 83per cent of this increase allegedly attributable to immigration (Office for National Statistics, 2005b)). These projections suggest that an estimated 1,003,000 new residential structures will be required for the subsequent 17 year period (Lords Hansard, 2004) to contend with this substantial inbound migration, approximating to 59,000 properties per annum. According to the 2001 Census, the population of the UnitedKingdom’s second largest city, Birmingham, is approximately 977,000residents, and therefore, the projected housing requirements of future immigrants alone are monumental. Seventy per cent of recent immigration from aboard has been to L ondon, however, within the past decade an equilibrium has been achieved, with approximately 100,000 domestic residents vacating London, and relocating to other regions in the United Kingdom, as approximately 100,000 migrants arrive. It is virtually impossible to accurately project for population changes due to illegal immigration, and therefore it is realistic to suggest that the net approximation of 172,000 migrants per annum for the subsequent two decades (2001 to 2021) is a minimum figure. However, without accurate statistics governing the immigration of illegal aliens to the United Kingdom, it is impractical to analyse total demographics migratory patterns. For the domestic population, the deficit in accommodation is currently problematic, however, worst-case scenario predictions suggest that a total housing requirement per annum may be closer to 155,000 – a significant shortfall of 35,000 new residences, even after allowance for demolitions and conversions (Council ofMortgage Lenders, 2003)). Appreciating the requirements of the domestic population in addition to migration, the requirement of accommodation per annum will, allegedly, approximate 200,000 new houses (Hamnett,2003). Subsequently, an incr easing in building construction of approximately 66 per cent will be essential to integrate the increased citizenry into the population. The United Kingdom is, fundamentally, grossly unprepared for the current trends in inbound population migration, predominantly the result of considerably inaccurate assumptions involved in demographic predictions during the 1990s (Wrigley, 2004). These predictions suggested that the inward migration per annum from 1999 would approximate 65,000 individuals, however, data collated at the beginning of the twenty-first century indicated that a conservative figure for inbound migration approximated in excess of twice the originally predicted quantity. The government-commissioned Housing Statistics report illustrates the direct correlation between migration and significant alterations of population levels and structure, and calculated that an adjustment of plus or minus 40,000 in inbound migration per annum results in a difference in adult residential population by 2021 of approximately plus or minus 870,000 (Office for National Statistics, 2005b) With the exception of disease and epidemic control, in the twenty-first century the government has negligible control over natural life-events, such as birth and death, however, administration of population changes relating to inbound migrationpatterns are possible, thereby directly influencing the housing requirements of the United Kingdom. Despite the limited projection of65,000 inbound migrants per annum, government estimations suggest that, between 1996 and 2021, approximately 700,000 new households would be created as a result of migration (Office of National Statistics, 2003b) The financial implications of migration and housing are numerous.Currently, the cost of accommodation is unprecedentedly high, particularly for those in lower income brackets, which invariably include labour forces essential to the construction and manufacturing industries. In recent decades the political reaction to this conundrum involved the international recruitment of workers (Angrist and Kugler,2003), however, this has essentially resulted in an impasse: a further increase in the demand for accommodation and encouraging an outward migration of the crucial labour force to other regions of the UnitedKingdom and, thus, necessitating the international recruitment of even more employees. It is plausible to assume that inbound migration into London will continue to increase in the foreseeable future (Office of NationalStatistics, 2005b). Principally, this prediction is a result of the2004 admittance and inclusion of previously Communist nations into the European Union, an event which has the potential to increase in the quantity of legally-issued work permits, thereby encouraging the migration to London of citizens from these new EU member states.Independent estimates suggest that, should this prediction be realised, inbound migration to London may rise by between 20 and 25 per cent,thus further increasing the pressure on the currently inadequate housing market, potentially doubling the requirement for new accommodation from immigration alone from approximately one million new homes to a figure close to two million (Council of Mortgage Lenders,2003). During the previous four decades, however, rates of construction with regard to new houses have significantly diminishe d. Throughout the1960’s, new housing projects attained a pinnacle of approximately350,000 per annum, however, the current rate of house building falls below 150,000; recognising the quantity of annual demolitions, the net quantity of new housing projects corresponds to a figure closer to120,000 (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003). Literature reviewThe majority of studies relating to migratory patterns, impact on society and the requirement of associated provisions have been largely undertaken by governmental bodies. However, several independent analyses indicate that the predictions of the government are fundamentally inaccurate due to the substantial error margin incurred via illegal migratory patterns, of both domestic residents and those immigrating from overseas (Dustmann et al., 2005). According to articles published in The Economist, London has absorbed approximately680,000 migrants from overseas without an explicit and visible loss of countryside or heritage areas (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Partially, this is the result of the redevelopment of disused industrial sites with previously scant residential areas, such as the Docklands. However, it must also be appreciated that migration to the city has resulted in an exponential rise in the price of land and property in London, in comparison to the rest of the United Kingdom, encouraging the indigenous population to take advantage of this market boom, sell property and relocate elsewhere. The effects of domestic and international migration on employment and associated finances are potentially underestimated (Hatton and Tani,2005). The relative equilibrium between the influx of migrants and there locating outbound indigenous population may mask, at a local level, the economic and employment-related ramifications of migration, however, its significance to the economy of the entire country remains considerable. An equivalent analysis of the migratory patterns and their associated concerns in the United States by Borjas (2003) indicates that the displacement of an indigenous population is an essential apparatus to encourage the dispersal of the effects of migration, thereby restricting any negative impacts from affecting solitary locations. However, this assessment is contradicted in a similar study conducted by Card (2001). Within the United Kingdom, this issue has been analysed throughout two decades and reported by Hattonand Tani (2005), with a reliance on data accumul ated from eleven regions via the National Health Service Register and the International Passenger Survey. Conclusively, Hatton and Tani suggest that the effects of immigration are diffused beyond the immediately affected region, with an associated flow of migrants between regions; the original settlement of inbound migrants and the subsequent displacement of prior inhabitants (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Unsurprisingly, these effects are not restricted to the tangible and readily visible issues surrounding accommodation, but also impact on regional and national economies, the religious and cultural structure of society, demographics relating to language, and employment. The consequence of migration on both the employment and housing markets involve significantly intensified competition, throughout the region and, eventually, throughout the country (Hatton and Tani, 2005). With a focus on London specifically, current data suggest that approximately forty-five inhabitants are routinely di splaced by the inward migration of one hundred migrants, and, therefore, displacement is particularly concentrated in locations experiencing significant immigration. However, data compiled and analysed by various authors, both academic and governmental, are intrinsically limited by the relevance of the sources used, particularly with regard to the lack of accurate data relating to illegal migration, and therefore many studies are ultimately considered to be statistically insignificant. This is an unfortunate restriction applicable to any study assessing demographics,with a substantial proportion of the potential target population in accessible and virtually invisible. It is, therefore, imperative to acknowledge these limitations and present any such population study as representative only of the visible, official public. The quantity of households in London declined considerably during the1970s, however, this trend has since reversed and the inclination is predicted to increase exponentially. The Greater London Authority estimates that the increase in population, as a result of both natural life events and migration, will occur at a rate unprecedented sinceWorld War Two (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London, 2001).The change in social profile of the United Kingdom in the latter half of the twentieth century, including the prevalence for divorce and single habitation, inevitably attributed to the increase in population, however, these were not the primary causes. Though natural patterns and growth contributes to a large proportion of the population increase in London, the recent surge in numbers of households in the capital is a direct result of inbound migration. This paper details the accumulation of data from a variety of reports conducted into the examination of the population of Londo n. The majority of these studies demonstrate the significant correlation between migration patterns, accessibility of employment, formation of households, property prices and income levels.When assessing the inbound migration of residents, particularly within specific boroughs, it is virtually obligatory to also examine corresponding local labour markets and the resultant displacement of sections of the population. The state of the housing market and its demand within London is specifically a matter of growth: growth of the population, particularly driven by inward migration, which directly drives the growth and development of households, which, in turn, results in the growth of the housing market and an increased necessity for new properties in the locality. As a result of this demand for available residential properties within London, many residents have cashed in on the remunerative housing market, and subsequently investments in housing have yielded considerable profits. The demand for accommodation located in the South East of England, and London specifically, as a result of both domestic and international migration, is currently surpassing the available supply. The cost of buying a property, for first-time buyers in particular, is far in excess of funds accessible to the majority of citizens; this is a substantial problem for duel-income couples of reasonably sufficient earnings, however, the difficulty is exacerbated for individuals on low incomes and from unprivileged backgrounds. In particular, the economical reality of buying properties is of concern to the skilled labour force, and is a problem aggravated by the inflationary affects of increased regional population through migration. Subsequently, a large proportion of the population, particularly in the relatively youthful populace of London, is reliant on the rental market for accommodation; a sector which has proven to be disproportionately expensive. Similarly, the homeless population is considered to be an increasing concern, particularly within city locations, and with an estimated 85,000 households allocated refuge in temporary accommodation in 2002; approximately 65% of these families included children, and the incommensurate statistical representation of ethnic minorities in these figures is significant (Office of the DeputyPrime Minister, 2003). The projected dispersion of new households within the United Kingdom is asymmetrical, particularly throughout England (table 1) with the predominant concentration of 19.4% in the South East of the country, comparable to the corresponding estimation for the North East at 6.4%. (Table 1) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Calculating via the estimated prediction of 172,000 inbound migrants per annum, and appreciating the requirement for one million supplementary residential properties, the forecasted profusion of households and percentage increase in each region impacted by net migration indicates that London will experience an increase of four times that of the North East (table 2). These data suggest that London is significantly more attractive as a settlement location than any other location in England, and will, by extrapolation, incur the majority of the burden for accommodation, further impacting on the current rental market. However, the theoretical impingement of such an influx of migrants is incontrovertibly extensive, and, in practice, the probable response from London would involve the outward migration of the indigenous population to less densely populated regions of the United Kingdom. Such a movement of residents, however, would subsequently confer a significant economical, political and social influence on London. (Table 2) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics (Table 3) Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM A more realistic consequence, however, involves the proportional distribution of population increase following inbound migration at an annual rate of 172,000 (table 3). Following these calculation, it is possible to suggest that the one million additional residential properties necessary to accommodate migrants would be dispersed throughout the country relative to the principal projections calculated by the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, therefore implying that the quantities of new houses required would involve the construction of a further 25 per cent of dwellings throughout the South of England during the following two decades (Attanasio, et al., 2005). However, this region currently exhibits the highest house prices, the most densely populated residential areas and the least quantity of unoccupied dwellings. The government’s report analysing Sustainable Communities(Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003) concludes that a vast quantities of actions are required to respond adequately to the projected requirement for accommodation in the twenty-first century,including a reform of the previously inefficient and ineffective planning system, and the development of the so-called ‘growth areas’located in the London/Stanstead/Cambridge corridor (LSC), the Thames Gateway, Ashford and Milton Keynes (Office of the Deputy PrimeMinister, 2003). By 2031, a possible 803,000 new dwellings are planned throughout the ‘growth area’, with the majority located in Milton Keynes and LSC regions (370,000 and 322,000 respectively). However, principal projections of households are dependent on the assumptionthat the inbound migration to the United Kingdom is restricted to an approximate figure of 65,000 per annum. If, therefore, net migrationis, in actuality, closer to the suspected figure of 172,000, the increase in required new dwellings for migrants alone will equate to a figure approximating 430,000 (Attanasio, et al., 2005). The United Kingdom differs from the majority of European countries in that each individual city is responsible for providing their own population figures. Many other nations utilise commuter statistics to determine national urban population data, however, the United Kingdom’sreluctance to employ these statistics continually results in complication and perplexity with regard to the definition and presentation of accurate population statistics for London and its region. In addition, confusion exists over the physical parameters of‘London’, ‘Greater London’ and the metropolitan district, resulting in an abundance of erroneous statements and conclusions regarding the demographics of the capital. In 2001, the Greater London Authority recognised the significance of the developing patterns controlling the population of London and the inaccuracies surrounding demographic studies, and subsequently conducted an official analysis of migratory and housing trends. The panel concluded that household and property statistics were previously unsound, and established that London demographics were manipulated by a variety of disparate determinants, with particular significance attributed to domestic and international migratory trends, culturally determined differential household patterns, contrasting housing aspirations dependent on age bracket, and the disproportionately high prices and scant availability of property in the capital (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London,2001). From varying studies it is possible to determine that the increase in the rate of population growth is in excess of the current and predicted supply of accommodation. Microcosmic analysis between boroughs suggests that the differential migration of London, in comparison with the remainder of the United Kingdom, is also replicated at municipal levels. The demographic profile of London indicates a remarkable diversity in ethnicity of the resident population. Approximately seventy-eight percent of the United Kingdom’s black African population resides in London, with representation of the black Caribbean populace currently standing at sixty-one per cent, and in excess of half of the British population of Bangladeshis reside in the capital (Dobson et al., 2001).When analysing the population of a capital city it is imperative to acknowledge the ethnic profile due to the associated impoverished state of both the residents themselves and their communities: a significant majority of London’s ethnic population experiences below average incomes, poorer standards of habitation and poorer health when compared with the general population of the United Kingdom (Philips and Philips,1998). The Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, London, is considered to be affluent, progressive and prosperous, with a substantial population density in comparison to all other London boroughs. Kensington and Chelsea presents a total population of 158,919 citizens and a population density of people per hectare of 131.01 (Merriman, 2003).Contrastingly, Lambeth is a borough afflicted by generic poverty, low income households and social deprivation, however, its population density is considerably less than that of Kensington and Chelsea, currently at 99.42 people per hectare. Despite the relatively meager distribution of people, however, the population of Lambeth is considerable, at approximately 270,500 registered citizens (Thrift,1994), and results in Lambeth being the largest inner London borough.Though stricken with relatively significant levels of poverty, Lambeth enjoys one of the most culturally and socially diverse communities within the United Kingdom (Rex and Montserrat Guibernau i B erdun,1997). Ethnic minorities are well-represented within the Borough, with current data indicating that twenty-five percent of the Lambeth population consider themselves as black and four percent declaring their ethnicity as from the Indian Subcontinent; approximately thirty-four per cent of the residential population in Lambeth are from ethnic minorities (Philips and Philips, 1998). The borough boasts the largest proportion of black Caribbean citizens in comparison with all other districts, and possesses the third largest representation of black Africans in London (Office for National Statistics, 2005b).According to the 2001 Census, 62% of Lambeth’s population considers themselves white, with black Caribbean and black African residents equally represented at approximately 12% of the population of the borough. Though not considered particularly densely populated in comparison with other inner London boroughs, with regard to residency, only thirty-seven per cent of the distr ict’s population consider themselves owner-occupiers. Despite the considerable ethnic medley represented in the borough, Lambeth has, in recent years, been accused of over-enthusiastically resorting to pol Analysis of Migrants in London Analysis of Migrants in London The capital of both England and the United Kingdom, throughout the previous two millennia London has proven to be an internationally significant political, cultural and commercial epicentre, particularly with regard to the recent phenomenon of globalisation. The population of London totals approximately seven million residents, the metropolitan area of which includes in excess of twelve million people. Its official formation dates to the first century AD, wherebyLondinium enjoyed the position of the capital of the Roman Empire in the province of Britannia (Anderson, 1996): by the eighteenth century London was considered the largest city in the world and the nucleus of the British Empire. London has long been a magnet for migrants, both domestic andinternational. The capital city has, for centuries, enjoyed a somewhatdelicate relationship with many cultures, religions and faiths, andwith a resident population representative of predominant globalnationalities (Sassen, 2001). In excess of two hundred languages arespoken in the capital, indicative of the importance of the city as anucleus for the immigration of refugees and migrants throughouthistory. The medieval era was a significantly active period for thesettlement of migrants in London, particularly with immigrants fromEurope. Though encouraged by William the Conqueror, in the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, to relocate to England, the Jewish population weresubsequently ejected from the country during the thirteenth century(Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The majority of the capital’s international trade was controlled andmonopolised by the foreign merchants, themselves immigrants to thecity, and, as in the twentieth century, history has witnessed thedevelopment of specific industries and trades by the skilled foreignmigrants relocating to London. The presence of black minorities in thecity has been felt since the Tudor period, and, though many arrived asfree citizens, the slave trade in Africa consequentially increased theblack population of London significantly following the 1570s (Houston,1996). The metamorphosis of predominant religion in England, followingthe country’s estrangement from the Catholic Church, resulted in themigration of a momentous quantity of persecuted Protestant refugeesfrom the Continent, the majority of which settled in London. Fourcenturies later, the Second World War culminated in the shortage ofcapable workers in the capital, and encouraged the migration of labourto London from Europe: until t he early 1960s, England was active in thecolonies of the West Indies and India, recruiting labour for the worstaffected areas of the United Kingdom. Subsequently, British citizensfrom colonial nations, such as those Cypriot citizens dispossessed bythe invasion of Turkey, have sought refuge in the capital, and the cityremains a sanctuary for foreign citizens living in fear or persecutedby problematic regimes. In addition, and similar to many capitalcities, London attracts many domestic migrants from across the UK, asignificant number of which augment the homeless population of theregion. In the twentieth century, the continual influx of a variety ofcultures, ethnicities and religions has resulted in a capital city thatis extremely diverse, energetic and dynamic (Kymlicka, 1996). London iscurrently one of the most substantial cities, with a total land area of1,584 km2, and is considered the most heavily populated city in Europewith approximately 7.4 million inhabitants and a ratio of approximately4,665 individuals per km2; in the European Union, London is third onlyto Paris and Brussels with regard to population density figures(Kershen, 1997). As such, it is unremarkable, therefore, that a rapidlychanging population structure should affect and impinge upon both theeconomy and housing market. According to recent research conducted bythe Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors, rental costs areincreasingly exponentially as a result of the significantly high demandfor property (HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister,2005). This paper will attempt to review the increase in immigration toLondon, specifically contrast data from two economically and culturallycontrasting boroughs, explicitly Kensington and Lambeth. The paper willalso assess the economic effects of migration to the city, particularlywith regard to the associated increase in rental costs and deficienciesin the housing market. Table 1: Household projections (based on principal projections). Officeof National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migrationestimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 2: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum net migration): regional spread based on regional net overseas inward migration rates. Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 3: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum netmigration): regional spread of increases as per the principal projections. Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) SustainableCommunities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Table 4: Greater London migration 1991-2001, in thousands. Office of national Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics The arrival the Normans to Britain, and their subsequent invasion, heralded a new era of political, religious and economic migrations to the United Kingdom. The anti-Semitic sentiments throughout the continent encouraged the migration of Jewish merchants and craftsmen to London, though the Jewish communities remained purposefully insular and burial provisions were restricted to a single Jewish cemetery until1177 (Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The seemingly global opinion of London as a political and religious refuge for the persecuted, the displaced and the dispossessed has continued for a further millennium, and subsequently, the capital has evolved into a multi-cultural,multi-ethnicity amalgamation that appears irresistible to many domestic and foreign migrants into the twenty-first century (Kymlicka, 1996). London’s reputation as a quintessentially global city, considered by some commentators to be the most international city in the world, can trace its history to its relative tolerance towards culturally diverse residents; a phenomenon which was emphasised during the post-colonial migration of British citizens from former Empire nations (Favell,2001). In addition, the latter decades of the twentieth century witnessed remarkable exoduses from the ecumenical labour market, with significant, though largely not quantified, migration into London. To many international observers, London appears to be the zenith of contrariness. Geographically, the city maintains its manufacturing and service industries in the northern and southern regions, with business, financial and retail districts dominating the centre of London (Sassen, 2001). In 2004, the city and its thirty-two boroughs exhibited anestimated 7,421,228 residents giving London the status of the jointmost populated city in Europe (in addition to Moscow) (Wrigley, 2004), however, the accuracy of population data for the capital is perpetually under debate due to its reliance on resident participation in returning official surveys, and subsequent analyses proposed that the population on Census Day totalled a figure approximating 7.3 million inhabitants. Indeed, the governmental estimation of the city’s populace conducted in 2003 suggested that the official figure is approximately 7,387,900 (Office of National Statistics, 2003a). The population of London is directly and significantly affected and altered by both migration and the natural life-events of birth and death. While the birth and death rate of the city has, in recent decades, remained reasonably stable as a result of the deficit infectious disease and significant military conflict (Office for national Statistics, 2005a), the population is continually and incomparably influenced by migratory trends. London exhibits a disproportionately high demographic of citizens within the 20-44 year old age bracket, a feature directly attributable to inbound domestic and foreign migration. Relying on the official 2001 Census alone, migration figures in the 12 month period prior to the research suggest that Greater London favoured comparably with the remainder of the United Kingdom, both possessing an inward migration equating to approximately 12% of the residential population. The Census indicated that Inner London, however, had experienced a markedly higher migrat ory influx, with approximately 17.5% of the population represented. Similarly, migration from abroad totaled approximately 1.2% of the population for outer London, however, this contrasts significantly with the foreign inbound migration statistics for inner London, which approximate 2.5%. It is, however, imperative to appreciate thatimmigration into the United Kingdom is frequently and substantiallychallenged by illegal entry, and, inevitably, any figures relating tomigration from aboard are conceivably underrepresented. (Office ofNational Statistics, 2001: table KS24) Statistics for the United Kingdom indicate a prevalence of females than males in the population, with an average across age brackets of 50.7%(Office for National Statistics, 2005a) and predominantly more females than males in all age brackets post-30 years. London conforms to this trend, with an average proportion of females at 50.6 per cent. However,the profile of London with regard to the demographics of age, and in contrast with the United Kingdom as a whole, indicates that residents in the capital incline towards younger than average age brackets: the mean age for the United Kingdom is approximately 38.9, compared to 36.5for the resident population of London (Office for National Statistics,2005a). From data collated in 2003, the under-7 and 22-43 year old age bracket are significantly overrepresented in London in comparison to the population of the United Kingdom, however, representation in other age brackets from the London data is appreciably lower, with notably fewer people pr esenting in the 12-15 and 49+ age brackets. From the same 2003 data, approximately 35% of the population of the United Kingdom were placed in the 20-44 year old age bracket, comparable to 44per cent from the residential population of London. This bracket is particularly significant as it is responsible for rates of both economic activity and virtually all births. Within the previous decade, available data indicates that net migration into the United Kingdom averaged approximately 166,000 per annum(Office of National Statistics, 2003a; Office of National Statistics,2003b). Furthermore, between 2004 and 2031 the population of the country is estimated to increase by approximately 7.2 million, with 83per cent of this increase allegedly attributable to immigration (Office for National Statistics, 2005b)). These projections suggest that an estimated 1,003,000 new residential structures will be required for the subsequent 17 year period (Lords Hansard, 2004) to contend with this substantial inbound migration, approximating to 59,000 properties per annum. According to the 2001 Census, the population of the UnitedKingdom’s second largest city, Birmingham, is approximately 977,000residents, and therefore, the projected housing requirements of future immigrants alone are monumental. Seventy per cent of recent immigration from aboard has been to L ondon, however, within the past decade an equilibrium has been achieved, with approximately 100,000 domestic residents vacating London, and relocating to other regions in the United Kingdom, as approximately 100,000 migrants arrive. It is virtually impossible to accurately project for population changes due to illegal immigration, and therefore it is realistic to suggest that the net approximation of 172,000 migrants per annum for the subsequent two decades (2001 to 2021) is a minimum figure. However, without accurate statistics governing the immigration of illegal aliens to the United Kingdom, it is impractical to analyse total demographics migratory patterns. For the domestic population, the deficit in accommodation is currently problematic, however, worst-case scenario predictions suggest that a total housing requirement per annum may be closer to 155,000 – a significant shortfall of 35,000 new residences, even after allowance for demolitions and conversions (Council ofMortgage Lenders, 2003)). Appreciating the requirements of the domestic population in addition to migration, the requirement of accommodation per annum will, allegedly, approximate 200,000 new houses (Hamnett,2003). Subsequently, an incr easing in building construction of approximately 66 per cent will be essential to integrate the increased citizenry into the population. The United Kingdom is, fundamentally, grossly unprepared for the current trends in inbound population migration, predominantly the result of considerably inaccurate assumptions involved in demographic predictions during the 1990s (Wrigley, 2004). These predictions suggested that the inward migration per annum from 1999 would approximate 65,000 individuals, however, data collated at the beginning of the twenty-first century indicated that a conservative figure for inbound migration approximated in excess of twice the originally predicted quantity. The government-commissioned Housing Statistics report illustrates the direct correlation between migration and significant alterations of population levels and structure, and calculated that an adjustment of plus or minus 40,000 in inbound migration per annum results in a difference in adult residential population by 2021 of approximately plus or minus 870,000 (Office for National Statistics, 2005b) With the exception of disease and epidemic control, in the twenty-first century the government has negligible control over natural life-events, such as birth and death, however, administration of population changes relating to inbound migrationpatterns are possible, thereby directly influencing the housing requirements of the United Kingdom. Despite the limited projection of65,000 inbound migrants per annum, government estimations suggest that, between 1996 and 2021, approximately 700,000 new households would be created as a result of migration (Office of National Statistics, 2003b) The financial implications of migration and housing are numerous.Currently, the cost of accommodation is unprecedentedly high, particularly for those in lower income brackets, which invariably include labour forces essential to the construction and manufacturing industries. In recent decades the political reaction to this conundrum involved the international recruitment of workers (Angrist and Kugler,2003), however, this has essentially resulted in an impasse: a further increase in the demand for accommodation and encouraging an outward migration of the crucial labour force to other regions of the UnitedKingdom and, thus, necessitating the international recruitment of even more employees. It is plausible to assume that inbound migration into London will continue to increase in the foreseeable future (Office of NationalStatistics, 2005b). Principally, this prediction is a result of the2004 admittance and inclusion of previously Communist nations into the European Union, an event which has the potential to increase in the quantity of legally-issued work permits, thereby encouraging the migration to London of citizens from these new EU member states.Independent estimates suggest that, should this prediction be realised, inbound migration to London may rise by between 20 and 25 per cent,thus further increasing the pressure on the currently inadequate housing market, potentially doubling the requirement for new accommodation from immigration alone from approximately one million new homes to a figure close to two million (Council of Mortgage Lenders,2003). During the previous four decades, however, rates of construction with regard to new houses have significantly diminishe d. Throughout the1960’s, new housing projects attained a pinnacle of approximately350,000 per annum, however, the current rate of house building falls below 150,000; recognising the quantity of annual demolitions, the net quantity of new housing projects corresponds to a figure closer to120,000 (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003). Literature reviewThe majority of studies relating to migratory patterns, impact on society and the requirement of associated provisions have been largely undertaken by governmental bodies. However, several independent analyses indicate that the predictions of the government are fundamentally inaccurate due to the substantial error margin incurred via illegal migratory patterns, of both domestic residents and those immigrating from overseas (Dustmann et al., 2005). According to articles published in The Economist, London has absorbed approximately680,000 migrants from overseas without an explicit and visible loss of countryside or heritage areas (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Partially, this is the result of the redevelopment of disused industrial sites with previously scant residential areas, such as the Docklands. However, it must also be appreciated that migration to the city has resulted in an exponential rise in the price of land and property in London, in comparison to the rest of the United Kingdom, encouraging the indigenous population to take advantage of this market boom, sell property and relocate elsewhere. The effects of domestic and international migration on employment and associated finances are potentially underestimated (Hatton and Tani,2005). The relative equilibrium between the influx of migrants and there locating outbound indigenous population may mask, at a local level, the economic and employment-related ramifications of migration, however, its significance to the economy of the entire country remains considerable. An equivalent analysis of the migratory patterns and their associated concerns in the United States by Borjas (2003) indicates that the displacement of an indigenous population is an essential apparatus to encourage the dispersal of the effects of migration, thereby restricting any negative impacts from affecting solitary locations. However, this assessment is contradicted in a similar study conducted by Card (2001). Within the United Kingdom, this issue has been analysed throughout two decades and reported by Hattonand Tani (2005), with a reliance on data accumul ated from eleven regions via the National Health Service Register and the International Passenger Survey. Conclusively, Hatton and Tani suggest that the effects of immigration are diffused beyond the immediately affected region, with an associated flow of migrants between regions; the original settlement of inbound migrants and the subsequent displacement of prior inhabitants (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Unsurprisingly, these effects are not restricted to the tangible and readily visible issues surrounding accommodation, but also impact on regional and national economies, the religious and cultural structure of society, demographics relating to language, and employment. The consequence of migration on both the employment and housing markets involve significantly intensified competition, throughout the region and, eventually, throughout the country (Hatton and Tani, 2005). With a focus on London specifically, current data suggest that approximately forty-five inhabitants are routinely di splaced by the inward migration of one hundred migrants, and, therefore, displacement is particularly concentrated in locations experiencing significant immigration. However, data compiled and analysed by various authors, both academic and governmental, are intrinsically limited by the relevance of the sources used, particularly with regard to the lack of accurate data relating to illegal migration, and therefore many studies are ultimately considered to be statistically insignificant. This is an unfortunate restriction applicable to any study assessing demographics,with a substantial proportion of the potential target population in accessible and virtually invisible. It is, therefore, imperative to acknowledge these limitations and present any such population study as representative only of the visible, official public. The quantity of households in London declined considerably during the1970s, however, this trend has since reversed and the inclination is predicted to increase exponentially. The Greater London Authority estimates that the increase in population, as a result of both natural life events and migration, will occur at a rate unprecedented sinceWorld War Two (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London, 2001).The change in social profile of the United Kingdom in the latter half of the twentieth century, including the prevalence for divorce and single habitation, inevitably attributed to the increase in population, however, these were not the primary causes. Though natural patterns and growth contributes to a large proportion of the population increase in London, the recent surge in numbers of households in the capital is a direct result of inbound migration. This paper details the accumulation of data from a variety of reports conducted into the examination of the population of Londo n. The majority of these studies demonstrate the significant correlation between migration patterns, accessibility of employment, formation of households, property prices and income levels.When assessing the inbound migration of residents, particularly within specific boroughs, it is virtually obligatory to also examine corresponding local labour markets and the resultant displacement of sections of the population. The state of the housing market and its demand within London is specifically a matter of growth: growth of the population, particularly driven by inward migration, which directly drives the growth and development of households, which, in turn, results in the growth of the housing market and an increased necessity for new properties in the locality. As a result of this demand for available residential properties within London, many residents have cashed in on the remunerative housing market, and subsequently investments in housing have yielded considerable profits. The demand for accommodation located in the South East of England, and London specifically, as a result of both domestic and international migration, is currently surpassing the available supply. The cost of buying a property, for first-time buyers in particular, is far in excess of funds accessible to the majority of citizens; this is a substantial problem for duel-income couples of reasonably sufficient earnings, however, the difficulty is exacerbated for individuals on low incomes and from unprivileged backgrounds. In particular, the economical reality of buying properties is of concern to the skilled labour force, and is a problem aggravated by the inflationary affects of increased regional population through migration. Subsequently, a large proportion of the population, particularly in the relatively youthful populace of London, is reliant on the rental market for accommodation; a sector which has proven to be disproportionately expensive. Similarly, the homeless population is considered to be an increasing concern, particularly within city locations, and with an estimated 85,000 households allocated refuge in temporary accommodation in 2002; approximately 65% of these families included children, and the incommensurate statistical representation of ethnic minorities in these figures is significant (Office of the DeputyPrime Minister, 2003). The projected dispersion of new households within the United Kingdom is asymmetrical, particularly throughout England (table 1) with the predominant concentration of 19.4% in the South East of the country, comparable to the corresponding estimation for the North East at 6.4%. (Table 1) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Calculating via the estimated prediction of 172,000 inbound migrants per annum, and appreciating the requirement for one million supplementary residential properties, the forecasted profusion of households and percentage increase in each region impacted by net migration indicates that London will experience an increase of four times that of the North East (table 2). These data suggest that London is significantly more attractive as a settlement location than any other location in England, and will, by extrapolation, incur the majority of the burden for accommodation, further impacting on the current rental market. However, the theoretical impingement of such an influx of migrants is incontrovertibly extensive, and, in practice, the probable response from London would involve the outward migration of the indigenous population to less densely populated regions of the United Kingdom. Such a movement of residents, however, would subsequently confer a significant economical, political and social influence on London. (Table 2) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics (Table 3) Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM A more realistic consequence, however, involves the proportional distribution of population increase following inbound migration at an annual rate of 172,000 (table 3). Following these calculation, it is possible to suggest that the one million additional residential properties necessary to accommodate migrants would be dispersed throughout the country relative to the principal projections calculated by the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, therefore implying that the quantities of new houses required would involve the construction of a further 25 per cent of dwellings throughout the South of England during the following two decades (Attanasio, et al., 2005). However, this region currently exhibits the highest house prices, the most densely populated residential areas and the least quantity of unoccupied dwellings. The government’s report analysing Sustainable Communities(Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003) concludes that a vast quantities of actions are required to respond adequately to the projected requirement for accommodation in the twenty-first century,including a reform of the previously inefficient and ineffective planning system, and the development of the so-called ‘growth areas’located in the London/Stanstead/Cambridge corridor (LSC), the Thames Gateway, Ashford and Milton Keynes (Office of the Deputy PrimeMinister, 2003). By 2031, a possible 803,000 new dwellings are planned throughout the ‘growth area’, with the majority located in Milton Keynes and LSC regions (370,000 and 322,000 respectively). However, principal projections of households are dependent on the assumptionthat the inbound migration to the United Kingdom is restricted to an approximate figure of 65,000 per annum. If, therefore, net migrationis, in actuality, closer to the suspected figure of 172,000, the increase in required new dwellings for migrants alone will equate to a figure approximating 430,000 (Attanasio, et al., 2005). The United Kingdom differs from the majority of European countries in that each individual city is responsible for providing their own population figures. Many other nations utilise commuter statistics to determine national urban population data, however, the United Kingdom’sreluctance to employ these statistics continually results in complication and perplexity with regard to the definition and presentation of accurate population statistics for London and its region. In addition, confusion exists over the physical parameters of‘London’, ‘Greater London’ and the metropolitan district, resulting in an abundance of erroneous statements and conclusions regarding the demographics of the capital. In 2001, the Greater London Authority recognised the significance of the developing patterns controlling the population of London and the inaccuracies surrounding demographic studies, and subsequently conducted an official analysis of migratory and housing trends. The panel concluded that household and property statistics were previously unsound, and established that London demographics were manipulated by a variety of disparate determinants, with particular significance attributed to domestic and international migratory trends, culturally determined differential household patterns, contrasting housing aspirations dependent on age bracket, and the disproportionately high prices and scant availability of property in the capital (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London,2001). From varying studies it is possible to determine that the increase in the rate of population growth is in excess of the current and predicted supply of accommodation. Microcosmic analysis between boroughs suggests that the differential migration of London, in comparison with the remainder of the United Kingdom, is also replicated at municipal levels. The demographic profile of London indicates a remarkable diversity in ethnicity of the resident population. Approximately seventy-eight percent of the United Kingdom’s black African population resides in London, with representation of the black Caribbean populace currently standing at sixty-one per cent, and in excess of half of the British population of Bangladeshis reside in the capital (Dobson et al., 2001).When analysing the population of a capital city it is imperative to acknowledge the ethnic profile due to the associated impoverished state of both the residents themselves and their communities: a significant majority of London’s ethnic population experiences below average incomes, poorer standards of habitation and poorer health when compared with the general population of the United Kingdom (Philips and Philips,1998). The Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, London, is considered to be affluent, progressive and prosperous, with a substantial population density in comparison to all other London boroughs. Kensington and Chelsea presents a total population of 158,919 citizens and a population density of people per hectare of 131.01 (Merriman, 2003).Contrastingly, Lambeth is a borough afflicted by generic poverty, low income households and social deprivation, however, its population density is considerably less than that of Kensington and Chelsea, currently at 99.42 people per hectare. Despite the relatively meager distribution of people, however, the population of Lambeth is considerable, at approximately 270,500 registered citizens (Thrift,1994), and results in Lambeth being the largest inner London borough.Though stricken with relatively significant levels of poverty, Lambeth enjoys one of the most culturally and socially diverse communities within the United Kingdom (Rex and Montserrat Guibernau i B erdun,1997). Ethnic minorities are well-represented within the Borough, with current data indicating that twenty-five percent of the Lambeth population consider themselves as black and four percent declaring their ethnicity as from the Indian Subcontinent; approximately thirty-four per cent of the residential population in Lambeth are from ethnic minorities (Philips and Philips, 1998). The borough boasts the largest proportion of black Caribbean citizens in comparison with all other districts, and possesses the third largest representation of black Africans in London (Office for National Statistics, 2005b).According to the 2001 Census, 62% of Lambeth’s population considers themselves white, with black Caribbean and black African residents equally represented at approximately 12% of the population of the borough. Though not considered particularly densely populated in comparison with other inner London boroughs, with regard to residency, only thirty-seven per cent of the distr ict’s population consider themselves owner-occupiers. Despite the considerable ethnic medley represented in the borough, Lambeth has, in recent years, been accused of over-enthusiastically resorting to pol