Geopolitical: Nursing and Phenomenological Community Essay

A geopolitical community is defined by Maurer & Smith (2013) as â€Å"a spatial designation–a geographical or geopolitical area or place. Geopolitical communities are formed by either natural or human-made boundaries.† A river, mountain range, or a valley may create natural boundaries. An example of this is most of the villages in Nepal, the country where I was born. Nepal is full of mountains, rivers, lakes, valleys and plateau. Most of the villages are naturally divided by hills, mountains and rivers. Human-made boundaries can be structural, political or legal in nature. Structural boundaries can be roads, canals, bridges or rail road tracks, while, legal boundaries can be comprised of city, county, state, provincial, territorial or country lines (Maurer & Smith, 2013). The differences in the geopolitical boundaries can be observed between counties of New York City or any other in major cities of USA. Political boundaries could be exemplified by school districts or congressional districts (Maurer & Smith, 2013, p.396). A phenomenological community can be thought of as an assembly of individuals who share the same viewpoint, relationships, values, interests, beliefs and goals. A phenomenological community is looked at as a â€Å"relational rather than spatial designation† (Maurer & Smith, 2013). Geographical boundaries do not necessarily have to be shared in a phenomenological community. Religious, cultural and social groups are prime examples of a phenomenological community because their values and beliefs set them apart from other groups (Maurer & Smith, 2013). All of us live in a geopolitical community and most of us are part of many phenomenological communities. Public health nurses have to face certain challenges while working with different community group. First of all there will be language and cultural barrier. Public health nurse are large autonomous. They practice without professional supervision. They practice collaboratively with other public health disciplines that have different perspective. To overcome the challenges some of the best practices for ensuring on going competencies include peer review, reflective practice, goal settings, obtaining knowledge of different cultures/ practices and self-evaluation. References: Maurer,F.A. & Smith, C.M.(2013). Community/public health nursing practice. Fifth edition. Retrieved from http://evolve.elsevier.com Relevant challenges and considerations for public health nursing practice.(2011). Retrieved from www.health.state.mn.us/divs/cfh/ophp/consultation/phn/practicecouncil/docs/relevantchallanges

Some People Think That Personal Happiness Is Directly Related to Economic Success. Others Argue That Happiness Depends on Completely Other Factors. Discuss Both of the Views and Give Your Own Opinion

Some people believe that happiness is related to economic success because only money can make people’s life more enjoyable. When it comes to economic success, the majority of people believe that money means a luxurious life. To begin with, if someone owns great success on economic, that means he can spend more money on whatever he likes and spend more time on his hobbies. Emotionally, money can buy happiness at least to some extent.That is to say, you can buy things that you like in order to fulfill your needs and vanities and this makes you feel happier. You can also enjoy the best education and social welfare. Thirdly, economic success implies high social class and status, which can make people feel happy and respectable. Opponents, however, hold the view that happiness does not depend on economic success but completely other factors.First of all, numerous studies show that happy individuals are successful across multiple life domains, including marriage, income, work perfor mance and health. The happiness exists not only because economic success makes people happy, but also because positive affect engenders happiness. What’s more, It is indisputable that there are millions of people who still have a miserable life and have to fact the dangers of starvation and exposure, but some of them sill lead a happy life because they keep the happy spirit.Last but not least, money can not buy everything, such as friendship, true love and health. You can buy things corporeal, but you can never spend money to ask for more time. In the final analysis, both sides have sound foundations. However, if asked to make a choice, I will not hesitate to assent to the latter. I firmly believe that happiness is not only related to economic success but also links to other factors which are much more significant.

Employee Performance Essay

The methods presented here are designed to develop elements and standards that measure employee and work unit accomplishments rather than to develop  other measures that are often used in appraising performance, such as measuring behaviors or competencies. Although this handbook includes a discussion of the importance of balancing measures, the main focus presented here is to measure accomplishments. Consequently, much of the information presented in the first five steps of this eightstep process applies when supervisors and employees want to measure results. However, the material presented in Steps 6 through 8 about developing standards, monitoring performance, and checking the performance plan apply to all measurement approaches. A HANDBOOK FOR MEASURING EMPLOYEE PERFORMANCE foreword The handbook has four chapters and three appendices: ⠝™ CHAPTER 1 gives the background and context of performance management that you will need to understand before beginning the eight-step process. ⠝™ CHAPTER 2 defines accomplishments, which is key to using this handbook successfully. ⠝™ CHAPTER 3 includes a detailed description of the eight-step process for developing employee performance plans that are aligned with and support organizational goals. ⠝™ CHAPTER 4 provides study tools, including a followup quiz and a quick reference for the eight-step process. ⠝™ THE APPENDICES contain example standards that were written specifically for appraisal programs that appraise performance on elements at five, three, and two levels. After reading the instructional material, studying the examples, and completing the exercises in this book, you should be able to: ⠝™ DEVELOP a performance plan that aligns individual performance with organizational goals  Ã¢ â„¢ USE a variety of methods to determine work unit and individual  accomplishments ⠝™ DETERMINE the difference between activities and accomplishments ⠝™ EXPLAIN regulatory requirements for employee performance plans P E R F O R M A N C E M A N A G E M E N T: B A C K G R O U N D A N D C O N T E X T emember the story about the naive student in his first English literature course who was worried because he didn’t know what prose was? When he found out that prose was ordinary speech, he exclaimed, â€Å"Wow! I’ve been speaking prose all my life!† Managing performance well is like speaking prose. Many managers have been â€Å"speaking† and practicing effective performance management naturally all their supervisory lives, but don’t know it! Some people mistakenly assume that performance management is concerned only with following regulatory requirements to appraise and rate performance. Actually, assigning ratings of record is only one part of the overall process (and perhaps the least important part). Performance management is the systematic process of: ⠝™ planning work and setting expectations ⠝™ continually monitoring performance ⠝™ developing the capacity to perform ⠝™ periodically rating performance in a summary fashion ⠝™ rewarding good performance The revisions made in 1995 to the governmentwide performance appraisal and awards regulations support â€Å"natural† performance management. Great care was taken to ensure that the requirements those regulations establish would complement and not conflict with the kinds of activities and actions effective managers are practicing as a matter of course. PERFORMANCE MANAGEMENT: BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT PLANNING In an effective organization, work is planned out in advance. Planning means setting performance expectations and goals for groups and individuals to channel their efforts toward achieving organizational objectives. Getting employees involved in the planning process will help them understand the goals of the organization, what needs to be done, why it needs to be done, and how well it should be done. The regulatory requirements for planning employees’ performance include establishing the elements and standards of their performance appraisal plans. Performance elements and standards should be measurable, understandable, verifiable, equitable, and achievable. Through critical elements, employees are held accountable as individuals for work assignments or responsibilities. Employee performance plans should be flexible so that they can be adjusted for changing program objectives and work requirements. When used effectively, these plans can be beneficial working documents that are discussed often, and not merely paperwork that is filed in a drawer and seen only when ratings of record are required. MONITORING In an effective organization, assignments and projects are monitored continually. Monitoring well means consistently measuring performance and providing ongoing feedback to employees and work groups on their progress toward reaching their goals. The regulatory requirements for monitoring performance include conducting progress reviews with employees where their performance is compared against their elements and standards. Ongoing monitoring provides the supervisor the opportunity to check how well employees are meeting predetermined standards and to make changes to unrealistic or problematic standards. By monitoring continually, supervisors can identify unacceptable performance at any time during the appraisal period and provide assistance to address such performance rather than wait until the end of the period when summary rating levels are assigned. MEASURE WHAT IS IMPORTANT—NOT WHAT IS EASY TO MEASURE It is easy to count the number of days since a project began, but if that is all that you measure, is that enough information to assess performance? No, probably not. Or if, for example, a customer service team only measures the number of calls that come into the team (the easy measure) and does not attempt to measure customer satisfaction with its service (the more difficult measure), the team does not have complete information about its performance and has no idea how well it is serving its customers. In addition, because what gets measured gets done, the team will probably focus on how it can increase the number of calls it receives and ignore the quality of service it provides. As a result, organizations need to anticipate the behavioral and unintended consequences of measuring performance. As an example, recently a medical laboratory came under fire because of the errors it made in certain of its cancer tests. A high number of cancer tests that the laboratory had approved as negative turned out to be wrong—cancer had actually been

International finance Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

International finance - Essay Example In fact, the creation of International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) as well as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), had both been the consequences of the conference. The innate characteristics of the conference had been – Firstly, the conference stressed upon the fixation of upper and lower limits for the exchange rates of any domestic currency. Such a system would help in reducing possibilities of financial distress owing to fluctuations in the rate of exchange. The upper and lower limits of the rate of exchange are on the other hand, made the domain of the national government with regard to their respective current account positions. To be precise, the domestic governments were allowed to make adjustments to up to 10% below or above the pegged rates of exchange. The domestic currency of any nation was made completely convertible with any other currency to ease foreign trade. Lastly, all nations were made members to the International Monetary Fund so as to make the latter’s task easier to conduct at times when a financial crisis takes place. The system collapsed during 1970s, though that did not mean that the whole world converted itself into a system of floating exchange rates. For instance, the nations underlying European Union follow a fixed exchange rate regime where they maintain a fixed rate of exchange with the Euro as well as between themselves (Alderman, 2011, ‘Europe’s Challenge: Fostering Growth Amid Austerity’). Answer to Question 2 According to the concept of uncovered interest rate parity (UIP), the difference between the rates of returns on domestic and foreign bonds must be equal to the expected change in the rate of exchange

History of black education in the british north american colonies Research Paper

History of black education in the british north american colonies - Research Paper Example Thus with the formation of the colonies in the North America, diversified people came under the same government and its respective policies. Given the state of the colonies soon after its formation and the entire political scenario of the North America, it was very important to construct a uniting force and direct the future of the citizens into a better direction ensuring equality, human rights, and better quality of living. Moreover, Todorov (1999) states that it was necessary to make an effort to erase the memories of the darker days and instill hope in the citizens. Education was the available means to fight the approaching problems and destroy the seeds of discrimination. Since the North American colony had a good number of black populations against a considerable number of white people so, it was very important to bring them at par with them and not let them feel being discriminated. Hence, this paper â€Å"Black Education in British North America† came into being which will refer to several data and information to study the formation of the British North American colonies, the prevalent education system, the history of educating the ‘black population’. It would focus on the structural differences that the black children face in their education, the measures taken to diminish the differences, the extent of its success and the factors which brought about the change. Formation of the British North American Colonies The colonization of North America by the Kingdom of England and Kingdom of Scotland was a culminated result of a lengthy series of attempts and colonization drives by claimants more than one. According to Taylor (2001) the colonization drive in North America began in the year 1607 in the place called Jamestown, in Virginia and gradually colonies were established throughout the entire stretch of America. In America, British were considered as one of the most important colonizers since they established colonies over the largest area and posed a rivalry situation with the Spanish American Colonies in respect to economic and military power. As a result colonization of the America spread over a larger area, with a formidable reach, the British colony in North America gave room for the existence of three types of colonies, namely, charter colonies, proprietary colonies and the royal colonies. The diversity in the types of people, social, economical, and background provided the reasons for chaos and conflict among them on minor or major scale. The colonization drive by the Kingdom of England and Kingdom of Scotland, before the Acts of Union in 1707, led to the formation of the British North America colonies that was comprised of the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Pennsylvania and New York. The formation of the thirteen colonies, with brought together people from not only different states but al so people with varied backgrounds – social, economica

The Endocrine System of the Human Body. To include major organs, Essay

The Endocrine System of the Human Body. To include major organs, physiology and function. The effects of a homeostatic imbalanc - Essay Example The pituitary gland is referred to as the â€Å"master gland† because it highly influences other body organs, and is responsible for producing (1) prolactin in lactating women, (2) growth hormone, (3) adrenocorticotropin, (4) thyroid-stimulating hormone, (5) luteinizing hormone, (6) follicle-stimulating hormone, (7) oxytocin, and (8) antidiuretic hormone (â€Å"The Endocrine†). These hormones produced by the pituitary gland are in turn in-charge with many bodily functions. The hypothalamus acts to start and stop the production of pituitary hormones, according to the body’s need. The thymus is needed for normal immune functions; while the pineal gland is said to influence sleep patterns by producing melatonin. Both testes and ovaries are responsible for sexual traits of men and women, respectively, as the testes produce testosterone and ovaries produce estrogen and progesterone. The thyroid gland, important in metabolism, produces tri-iodothyronine (T3) and thyrox ine (T4). Adrenal glands are made up of the adrenal cortex and medulla, where the former produces hormones essential for life, like glucocorticoids and mineralocorticoids. The parathyroid glands, on the other hand, are tasked with calcium and phosphorus levels regulation; and the pancreas is vital for insulin and glucagon production to control serum glucose levels.

Code of Ethics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Code of Ethics - Essay Example They need to be aware of the things that can get them fired. Sanitation hazards need to be taken very seriously. The littlest thing could turn away a customer, and perhaps lead to a lawsuit. When dealing with food, all precautions need to be taken. A lot of businesses require wearing gloves, having your hair pulled back, and no visible piercing or tattoos. Jan Norman, publisher for The Standard-Times stated, "A lot of people are offended when they see people in the workplace with piercings and tattoos." (Norman, p.1) When dealing with other people's food, all of those things are turn-offs. After touching your hair or face, going to the bathroom, or any other contact with yourself or another person, the person should immediately wash their hands. OHS states, "Hand washing reduces the risk of Common Infections." (p.1) Putting up signs for the employees to remind them to pull back their hair, and remove any visible piercing such as from the nose, eyebrow, lip or tongue. All of this affects the businesses as well. By sanitation standards not being met, stated by Occupational Health and Safety, this can cause businesses to be shut down. So employers need to keep close watch on employees." (OHS,P.1) Every day consumers are more concerned with sanitation especially when it concerns their food. There are so many bacterias that can be spread.

2,500 EDU essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

2,500 EDU - Essay Example They usually outperformed the expectations of the community they served. There was no need to educate them about their code of conduct. Good practices were internalised in the course of the practice of their profession. Now the scenario has changed drastically and more people are taking up these professions as their career. Naturally, career progression and financial compensation packages have become important. With increase in the number of patients and lifestyle diseases, healthcare requirements have increased manifold. The rapid advancement of diagnostic and preventive technologies has facilitated setting up of improved infrastructure for healthcare. More hospitals, clinics and specialist health care centres have been set up in both government and private sectors. The requirement of qualified and trained health workers has increased considerably over the past many years. Associations have been formed to represent and promote the interests of the healthcare professionals. The government also have realised the need for setting minimum performance standards for healthcare and social work organisations and their professional practitioners, considering the drastic increase in the number and diversity of such organisations. Codes of practice have been framed by the government as well as professional bodies in response to this need. The same underlying causes have also contributed to many fold increase in the number of educational institutions and education professionals. It is in this context that we examine the hypothesis, "Education professionals have codes of occupational practice that are similar to those of health and social work professionals". The role and nature of work of the teacher has changed very much over the years. Teaching had followed a more or less rigid pattern with the teachers prescribing what to learn from well defined reference materials. The teachers therefore had absolute control and autonomy.

Strang Steel Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Strang Steel - Essay Example Gross Profit Margin: This ratio tells the profit of the firm in relation to sales, after the cost of producing the goods is deducted. Over the three years, the gross profit has been declining showing the inefficiency of Strang Steel's operations.Net Profit Margin: This ratio depicts the profit in relation to sales that a firm earns after taking account of all the expenses and taxes. It tells a firm's net income per dollar of sales. The net profit has also been declining over the three years showing that Strang Steel's sales profitability has declined. This could be attributed to the expenses rising steadily over the three years and eating out of the profits.Return on Equity: This ratio shows the return earned on the funds invested by the shareholders of the company. This ratio is also on the decline over the three years showing that the shareholders are getting less and less of their worth and the company is providing weak investment opportunities.Current Ratio: This ratio measures t he firm's ability to meet short-term obligations. It shows the effectiveness of the utilization of current assets to meet short-term liabilities. Strang Steel's current ratio has declined steadily in the three years showing that the current assets are proving less and less useful in meeting the current liabilities and hence the inability of the company to pay its bills. Quick Ratio: This ratio is more conservative in its approach to measuring a firm's liquidity position as it excludes inventories (the least liquid portion of the current assets). This ratio is between currents assets excluding stocks and current liabilities. From the year 2003 to 2004, the quick ratio has increased showing that the firm is efficiently meeting its short-term obligations but from year 2004 to 2005, the ratio has dipped showing the current assets have not been utilized in the proper manner to maintain the rising trend of the previous years. Average Collection Period: This ratio tells us the average number of days that receivables are outstanding before being collected. From the year 2003 to year 2004, the days have risen showing that Strang Steel has a very lenient policy with regard to collecting its receivables and the debtors are taking a long time in paying their dues. Having too many receivables is not good for the money as a lot of money is tied up which could be invested elsewhere. However, from the year 2004 to 2005, the number of days has sharply declined showing the change of the management's policy regarding receivables and the debtors paying up in just 20 days. Inventory Turnover in Days: This ratio illustrates the number of days on average before inventory is turned into accounts receivables through sales. The number of days has declined over the three years showing that Strang Steel has gotten effective each year in turning its inventory into sales. Total Asset Turnover: This ratio shows the relationship of sales to total assets. This ratio has increas

Khalifa tower in dubai Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Khalifa tower in dubai - Research Paper Example Located in the heart of Dubai, this building is considered one of the tallest structures in the world. (Lego Architecture, 2010) Emaar Properties PJSC was the chief promoter of this grand structure while the architects were Skidmore, Owings & Merill LLP (SOM), a company based in Chicago. (Lego Architecture, 2010) The two persons at the helm of this design were Adrian Smith and Bill Baker who were the architect and chief structural engineer respectively. The task of building the world’s tallest structure was entrusted to Owings & Merill because of their vast experience in creating such huge if not similar structures like the Seara Tower and the John Hancock Center. (Lego Architecture, 2010) Around 90 designers and engineers worked in close synergy to create this monumental piece which marvelled not only in size but also reflected the cultural and religious sentiment of the region. The Burj Khalifa at 828 metres infused a mix of modern 21st century architecture while still retaining the finer symbolic aspects of traditional Islamic architecture. Classified as a Supertall skyscraper, reflective glazing aluminium and textured stainless steel was used significantly while the construction was carried out using reinforced concrete and steel. The project began in 2004 and was completed by 2010. (Lego Architecture, 2010) There were more than 160 stories in this meteoric building with the floor area measured at 5.67 million square feet. The tower was inaugurated by His Highness Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum Vice President and Prime Minister of UAE and also the ruler of Dubai. (Lego Architecture, 2010) Owings and Merill LLP were shortlisted from among a team of five international competitors to work on the Burj Khalifa. To their credit the Haj Terminal at Jeddah Airport and the National Commercial bank were works that were created by Owings and Merill and which had a significant presence of Islamic architecture in its style. The

Disputes between the European Union and the Rest of the world Essay Example for Free

Disputes between the European Union and the Rest of the world Essay Disputes between the European Union and the Rest of the world Introduction                   The sheer size of the EU sheer markets as well as its vast experience of more than forty years in negotiating international trade agreements has made it become the most powerful trading bloc in the world. Moreover, it has become a formidable power through trade, hence creating more problems with the rest of the world. The EU has increasingly used its market access as a bargaining chip to obtain changes within the domestic arena of its trading partners, starting with labor standards to development policies, and internationally, ranging from global governance to foreign policy. Therefore, this paper mainly analyses EU’s power in trade a factor that has made it create tension with the rest of the world. The analysis includes major dilemmas that are associated with how it exercises its trade power and point out why these strategies create tension with other international states. The argument also includes the need for the EU to refine it initial strategies of accommodation for it to successfully transform its structural power to be more effective and hence have a more legitimate influence.                   Among the first goals of the EU as a trade power is using its power to secure concessions from others on market access. This makes it function as an economic globalization determinant or shaper. Basically, the EU is using its trade power to achieve non-trade objectives that range from the export-specific rules flanking market integration such as social, environment and safety standards to a more political or strategic linkage (Haughton, 2007).The rest of the world is therefore left to wonder if such use of trade power ultimately matters in geopolitical terms. Power in trade                   When we compare the EU and the US, there is no significant difference in the way the two exercise their power in trade at the bilateral levels mostly through agreements that they often have over their access to the market for their goods, capital and services in other regions. Agreements with EU have usually been involved more on reciprocal concessions over tariffs, quotas, and technical barriers to trade. However, concessions can sometimes be asymmetrical, either due to the fact that the EU could be making steeper cuts, or due to the fact that the value of the EU cuts could be greater following the size of the market. Failure to withstand such asymmetries means that the EU, similar to the US, uses preferential bilateral agreements to pry open the available markets that are found in the South as an exchange for accessing its own markets. Regionally, EU power has taken the form of less specific reciprocal concessions. As more nations across the world join regional trading blocs, the aim of the EU is to realize economies of scale through bloc-to-bloc deals. Such first bi-regional trade agreement is still being negotiated since 2000 mainly involving the EU and Mercosur, which is a customs union between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay created in 1991. It is to be followed by ASEAN (the Association of South East Asian Nations) as new economic partnership agreements (EPAs) with, among others, the Caribbean countries and the Gulf Cooperation Council. It cannot be denied that in Latin America especially, have taken such moves partly in consideration to reaction by USA’s own drive towards regionalism.                   EU’s involvement in multilateral bargaining at the global level has been shaped by its relationship to the US. These two great trade powers have for so long been engaged in what is seen by the rest of the world as a battle of the titans, as each side has been trying to ensure that each of them has a continued access balance towards the market through trade and regulatory deals, if not, to resort to dispute settlement (Grabbe, 2006). As that continues, they have also tried using their trade power to exert their rule of ‘western hegemony’ over the developing world, especially towards the so-called ‘new issues’ that pertain to services as well as intellectual property that were initially introduced during the Uruguay Round. Of late little co-operation has existed between the EU–US regulatory and these two powers have kind of began pursuing sharply diverging tactics, that came up with opposing alliances during the Hong Kong meeting of the Doha Round in December 2005. Power through trade                   The EU tends to be more attached to not only multilateral forms of trade relations but also to the premises of embedded liberalism. Contrary to the US case; the EU’s use of trade in order to achieve non-trade objectives has some pride as a potential instrument of Europe’s geopolitical power. Whilst little doubt exists in regards to the EU being considered as one of the top players in world trade, there has been a lot of keen interest while assessing EU’s identity as a ‘power’ in general. They have however put across various qualifiers in characterizing a mode of influence that can enable them to manipulate others and make them perform according to the interest of the EU.                   Existence of the shift from a post-war to a post-Cold War paradigm of economic hegemony does not seem to be towards only increasing interventionism inside the affairs of trading partners, that even other nations apart from EU promotes. It has also taken other forms absent in the subservience of trade to security imperatives, the power to be yielded from asymmetries in such interdependence, and the ends of increased interdependence, as scrutinized under a mode demanding criteria of legitimacy. Even as the US tries to promote some specific features of an open trading system that tend to serve its domestic interests, the EU instead has been increasingly engaged in a more clever game where values, interests, and model are blurred. It does not just try to promote openness, but are more concern with openness ‘the EU way’. Considering the fact that the EU itself is a system of market liberalization, external efforts that it encourages are regarding replication more than domination                   Most groupings that have come up in the last decade seem to have done so majorly to increase their bargaining power within the trade negotiations against the EU and the US. They forget that having a closer relation to other regions around the world tend to be a means of enhancing the normative power of the EU and a reflection of this power. This is because such EU outstanding context and unique character as an integrative policy among other states is shown to be important. It is not US as a federal state which is relevant to integration among countries, but the EU as a federal union. Therefore, it seems the EU’s support for regional organizations like the Pacific Islands Forum and the African Union is linked to a particular expectation of contribution not only to the economic integration but also to the prevention, management and resolution of inter-state conflicts.                   However, while the EU has considered itself to be the judge of what is right or wrong as a trade power, there is some evidence showing that as a union it is indeed a conflicted trade power. This is a fact since within its different guiding principles; there are various policies which directly contradict each other (Teorell, 2010). Regionalism vs. Multilateralism                   A lot of debate has been going on, whether regional trade agreements have been indeed building blocks or they are just stumbling blocks for multilateralism. The claim by the EU has always been that they are indeed building blocks. This was demonstrated when it defended the relevance of its own approach to the Uruguay Round agenda; as both the EU as well as the GATT at the same time tried to explore the fresh basis of trade in services, of course, with diverse ambitions as to the extent of liberalization. While it was a key player in the launching of the Doha Round, it is also becoming an active promoter of regionalism.                   The question then left to ask is whether these two factions are compatible. Following the sudden jump in terms of free trade agreements to more than 300 like in 2001, the shocking thing is that the WTO has not been able to reach agreement even on a single case report towards any regional agreement in spite of them vowing to participate in the role of regional trade committees. This is in contrast to the Appellate Body which has taken on the issue, for example, they suggested on the need to apply some kind of ‘necessity test’, towards a recent ground-breaking case, where by Turkey and EU were condemned after they increased unnecessary barriers to Indian textiles when Turkey decided to enter its customs union with Europe. Following the move the EU is still drawing lessons. Of course, such judgment may act as an inspiration to the EU policy-makers in their endeavor devise strategies of accommodation trying to tame the trade-diverting effects on regionalism. As an alternative, on the region-to-region front, there could be a possible insertion of clauses that link the implementation of market access deals with progress on the multilateral front, just like it was done with ASEAN. EU’s regionalism can also come under conflict with bilateral agendas of their own partners. Trials by the EU’s strategy of encouraging regional co-operation in the Balkans have come into conflict following its use of trade linkages for domestic change.                   Also, as was realized in the Euro-Med context when the EU sought to draw lessons from past relations with the Mediterranean after its multi-lateralized its relations and encouraged trade among the southern partners by changing its rules of origins and allowance of accumulation, for example, aggregation between the value added to the southern nations. However, following lack of consensus between these economies, such approach has not yet been judged to bear fruit, (Knodt Jà ¼nemann, 2007). There could be a need for more drastic incentives. Continued systematic promotion of regionalism could be of harm indeed to the EU’s proclaimed development goals. Like, when some analysts argue that being engaged in urging of rapid regional integration in Francophone West Africa was seen as a great contributing factor towards the subsequent instability in the region. The EU sought free movement of goods in this case, but not people, but failing to provide a red istributive wealth mechanism that was to deal with adjustment costs and at the same time undermined government social programs.                   Moreover, most of the deals negotiated throughout the 1990s under the watch of the New Transatlantic Agenda between the EU and the US tended to be vulnerable to similar criticism. In a way they have had a trial to the feasibility of exporting the approach by the EU of market integration through regulatory mutual recognition by the US. However, still it is important for the EU and the US to design such agreements as well as their supporting mechanisms better and make them be open to those who are new who might take the approach of respecting the standards adopted trans-atlantically. Non-discrimination vs. Bilateral preferential relations                   What can be seen as a major variant on the multilateralism –regionalism dilemmas tend to be increasing tension between the vowed commitment of the EU to international trade law, more specifically the highly favored-nation (MFN) principle, as well as the desire of the EU to be able to maintain preferential trading relations with specific countries. The agreement by the EU to the concept of ‘trade distorting’ regimes that stems from some of its members colonial pasts, exceeding the entire preferential market access granted to ACP countries, may of course sound as an objective even more commendable as compared to the MFN pursuit of global justice. However, it is important for EU to be clear on the price it has to pay for this moral luxury. Therefore, establishing such tension between international law and special relations tend to be acting geopolitically pitting two sets of developing countries against one another.                   Likewise, the 2001 Everything But Arms initiative (EBA) involvement in granting duty and quota-free access to the entire exports but not where arms and munitions are involved from the least countries that are less developed has faced criticism for excluding the key crops such as sugar, rice and bananas until 2009, as well as for leading in discriminatory practices among developing countries. Vulnerable and small economies that have been included tend to be bound to displace the exports of the same but some countries were excluded. Some States like the Caribbean or the Bangladesh members of the ACP group got a chance to benefit from this preferential trading arrangement with the EU. The WTO has many times condemned such policies. However, most of the member states, like UK, France, or Portugal who are former colonial powers, would not be keen on abandoning a system that is designed to eradicate poverty for the poorest farmers around the world who have bec ome dependent on inflated EU prices. In this instance, the EU has chosen a classic strategy of accommodation: progressive graduation as well as the negotiation of transition systems. Based on the multilateral constraint, EU’s only remaining power tend to lie with determining the speed of transfer of adjustment costs with its trading partners and its import intermediaries.                   This kind of negative power is doomed to unpopularity. Therefore, by EU presenting a new deal like in 2005 of cutting guaranteed sugar prices by 36 per cent over four years, it was predictably criticized on all sides, attacked based on the fact that it was reforming the detriment of poor sugar exporting countries and it was failing to move much further. Somehow, the EU seems to have taken firm grounds stand, ironically, even playing around with the non-discriminatory obligations that are contained within the GSP, at least as under the rule of the WTO 2004 appellate body ruling on EU vs. India. In this case, India was challenging the EU’s modified GSP which tend to provide an additional margin of preference on the part of recipients with drugs enforcement policies where the Commission was involved in inventing the entire list of beneficiaries of the programme without considering any objective criteria. Seen as a brilliant compromise given to the EU given by the AB, the benefit of the doubt based on the fact that indeed the right to modify preferential treatment was not subject to a simplistic constraint of identical treatment among beneficiaries, (Tocci, N., 2007). The AB argued that different developing countries were not situated on the same way when it comes to their different needs and hence could possibly be subject to ‘performance requirements’ as long as the approach were objective, transparent, as well as non-discriminatory in the broad sense. What question perhaps remains to be tested is what are acceptable conditionalities more generally? In a sense, it was important for the EU to develop a more universal approach as to where to draw the line. Western Hegemony Vs. Mediating Power                   An area which has also brought tension is in the EU’s alliance strategy as well as the light it portrays on what kind of actor it really wants to become. As a matter of fact, is it possible for the EU to play the part of the nervous protectionist North (agriculture), the rich liberal North (services), as well as the mediator between the South and the North? Taking the ‘rich North,’ is it necessary for it to generally to always take the US side for it to protect their shared commercial interests? Or it should go for emphasizing its vocation as a mediating power on the global scene, especially between the developing world and the US but at the same time, increasingly, between different interests in the developing world itself? Just as was recently demonstrated by controversies in the Doha Round, not only do multilateral trade negotiations are asking how much liberalization, but they are also asking what kind of liberalization as well as for whose benefit The Uruguay Round basically represent the culmination of an assertive US–EU alliance bent towards a commercially driven line in addition to a grand bargain between their reluctant acceptance of (partial) opening on some tropical/agricultural products and a (delayed) opening on textile, as an exchange for introducing fresh issues within the newly created WTO. In particular, intellectual property issues have exposed the EU to a lot of criticism that comes from the developing world due to the fact it sided with the interest of US multinationals.                   This tension between the North – including the EU – and the developing world started way back. However, a lot of attempt has been made by the EU to establish a reputation as a champion of development including through its 2001 role, when it launched the ‘Doha development agenda. Some other promoted path-breaking declaration on trade and public health has been going on. Like it has opened the way for legalizing broad exemptions from intellectual property constraints during any imports on generic drugs to treat diseases such as AIDS. There are also other initiatives, for example the databank which was set up by the Commission’s Directorate General for Trade in order to assist developing countries in their market access strategies, and have enabled the EU begin to change the image it has in the WTO.                   Following what recently came up in the Doha Round is an indication again to the lack of commitment that the EU has in seeking to marry its natural alliance in most of the domains (not all) with the US and its development advocacy. For example, when a World Bank Study questioned the EU’s ‘demonstration strategy’ through EBA stating that once requirements such as standards as well as rules of origin were taken into account, it was realized that the US was actually more open to LDC exports as compared to the EU. On the other hand, there is failure by the EU to promote multilateral solutions that is capable of addressing perhaps the single most important factor that links trade and poverty such as the massive volatility as well as decline in the price of primary commodities. As a result if the EU is indeed committed to uphold an image as a ‘mediating power’ within the global political economy, it will have no option but to ac tively promote changes in the WTO which the US is likely to actively resist, (Marshall, M., Jaggers, K.,2010). However, a lot of failure has been manifested by the EU in exploiting a potentially promising strategy of accommodation like putting transatlantic economic as well as regulatory co operation at the service of multilateralism. Internal vs. external objectives                   Somehow, the manner in which the EU is exercising power through trade should be held up to special standards. Claiming consistency between its internal and external actions tend to be at the heart of its legitimate exercise of power. The EU has indeed faced difficulties in an attempt to lead by example in the area of trade. Like, in case where the single market has been premised based on the assumption that free movement of people is a key dimension of market integration, as a matter of fact, what will this one mean for the position taken by the EU on the freedom of movement of people in order to deliver services? In order for EU to be consistent, it will need to invest political capital and more creativity in ‘globalization with human faces’ as well as the manner in which there could be encouragement of back-and-forth movement of people as an alternative to permanent migration.                   The existing tension between the internal and external is well evidenced over agriculture, and came up in the Doha Round. A lot of questions have been raised over the conflicted position taken by the EU regarding agricultural tariffs and subsidies in its commitment to putting multilateralism at the service of development. As a matter of fact, there is no need for denying European citizens their landscape, food security, and way of life. However, it is important to tell them the much it costs, like the number of people who are now living under $1 a day. Also the question can be whether region-to-region agreements tend to be more about promoting regional integration outside the EU ‘per se’ but not taking the form of a worldwide strategy pushing for convergence with European standards as well as mutual opening of markets, thereby supporting EU incumbents. Time and again representatives of Mercosur have stated that they are aiming to follow the EU’s example, which according to them has made Europe ‘less dependent on the outside world, (the EU has stressed market opening). What is interesting is that the current political leadership in Mercosur, particularly President Lula in Brazil, have kind of supported the EU project over the US-led Free Trade of the Americas Agreement, indicating that the EU’s leverage through trade does not show some indications of legitimacy as compared to that of that of the US, (Stephanie Hanson, and Brianna Lee, 2012).                   Moreover, it seems that EU assumes that the liberal recipe of ‘peace through commerce’ which has indeed seems to have worked so well with them applies uniformly anywhere else. Generally, trade is capable of fueling conflict especially when carried out within a context of corrupt governance, deep social inequalities, and unfair rules, as well as without enough attention being paid to its destructive byproducts like export dependence, adjustment costs, price volatility or illegal trafficking. For EU to bring its external action to be in line with its internal philosophy, it needs to establish trade policies that are also sensitive to these potential conflicts. The current certifications efforts for diamonds or timber constitute tend to be a promising starting point. Equal Partnership vs. Conditional Opening                   There is a fundamental contradiction that exists as well within the very idea of ‘normative’ or ‘soft’ power. The language the EU is speaking is of shared norms which are developed through consensus and co-operation. But on the other hand, trade power tends to be the use of ‘carrots and sticks’ in enforcing such norms on trading partners. We are not even surprised that the incorporation of non-trade conditions in trade deals faces great resistance from developing countries, as they just see this to be a blunt coercion. A growing debate is now going on regarding the effectiveness of conditionality, which is now kind of spilling over from the field of aid to that of trade. Regardless of any instrumental argument, what is still being asked is whether a post-colonial power is not suppose to rely on voluntary change as well as the provision of public goods like its markets in bolstering the likelihood of such change. Do we miss to see a contradiction as the EU tries to export norms of its making, which is predicated based on voluntary co-operation between states using its quasi-coercive leverage through trade? Some of the policies such as the EBA undoubtedly tend to lie at the other end of the spectrum; unconditional opening to be a tool for development; having trust that new export opportunities in themselves is likely to encourage desired changes in the beneficiaries. Nevertheless, is it true that this policy is genuinely taking the interests of developing countries to heart, or it is just a public relations coup on the part of the EU? This is a signal to the rest of the world that the EU was eventually acting upon its pro-developing world rhetoric, the EU managed to find their way out in Hong Kong in generalizing the principle under WTO. So far giving way duty/quota-free access to 97 per cent of the products that originates in least developed countries is not welcomed by majority. Trade Liberalization vs. Domestic Preferences                   There is great tension for the EU as a trade power based on the embedded liberalism compromise. The conflict is in the manner of combining a trade liberalization credo with a primary concern for the social effects of market integration. Often, the EU has been facing social demands for protection that somehow may be going beyond the spirit of embedded liberalism. In response to such demands, the Commission’s trade policy-makers under the leadership of Pascal Lamy have developed a fresh conceptual apparatus based on the fact of collective preferences setting up institutions that are capable of forging collective preferences. The end result is diversification of social choices over health care, inter alia food safety, precaution in the field of biotechnology or welfare rights, cultural diversity, public provision of education and health care. However, it is argued that if these concerns justify protection then the EU has the obligation of providing c ompensation to its trading partners. Conclusion                   Indeed, it seems like EU exploits its formidable trade power for pursuing non-trade objectives through conditionality or through fostering regional trade blocs in its own image. This highlights the way the divergences between member states objectives makes it hard for the EU to signal its resolve to the outside world more clearly. Nonetheless, such divergences are themselves a byproduct or an expression of existing tensions between various alternative priorities or even norms that must simultaneously be committed to by the EU machinery, such as nondiscrimination and bilateral preferential relations, regionalism and multilateralism, western hegemony and mediating power, trade liberalization and domestic preferences, internal and external objectives, equal partnership and conditional opening. Due to the fact that legitimacy tends to be the main currency for an aspiring normative power, it will be difficult for the EU to effectively become a power through t rade without addressing what majority of the world considers being unsustainable contradictions. References Haughton, T. (2007). When does the EU make a difference? Conditionality and the accession process in Central and Eastern Europe. Political Studies Review, 5(2), 233–246. Knodt, M., Jà ¼nemann, A. (2007). Introduction: Conceptionalizing the EU’s promotion of democracy. In A. Jà ¼nemann M. Knodt (Eds.), Externe Demokratiefà ¶rderung durch die Europà ¤ische Union-European external democracy promotion (pp. 9–32). Baden-Baden: Nomos. Marshall, M., Jaggers, K. (2010). Polity IV project: Political regime characteristics and transitions, 1800–2009. Fairfax: Center for Systemic Peace, George Mason University. Stephanie Hanson, and Brianna Lee (2012) Mercosur: South Americas Fractious Trade Bloc. Retrieved 3rd 10, 2014. http://www.cfr.org/trade/mercosur-south-americas-fractious-trade-bloc/p12762 Teorell, J. (2010). Determinants of democratization: Explaining regime change in the world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Tocci, N. (2007). The EU and conflict resolution. Promoting peace in the backyard. London: Routledge. Source document

Balance Scorecard Essay Example for Free

Balance Scorecard Essay A Balanced Scorecard is a framework that focuses on shareholder, customer, internal and learning requirements of a business in order to create a system of linked objectives, measures, targets and initiatives which collectively describe the strategy of an organization and how that strategy can be achieved. † The Balanced scorecard retains the traditional financial measures and complements them with measures that are drivers of future performance. The objectives and measures of the scorecard are derived from an organizations vision and strategy and these view organizational performance. The balanced scorecard is a management system (not only a measurement system) that enables organizations to clarify their vision and strategy and translate them into action. It provides feedback around both the internal business processes and external outcomes in order to continuously improve strategic performance and results. When fully deployed, the balanced scorecard transforms strategic planning from an academic exercise into the nerve center of an enterprise. The balanced scorecard is a tool developed by Kaplan and Norton to articulate, execute and monitor strategy using a mix of financial and non-financial measures. It is designed to translate vision and strategy into objectives and measures across four balanced perspectives: financial, customers, internal business processes and learning and growth. It focuses on all the activities that generate financial results rather than the financial side alone. The scorecard depicts strategy as a series of cause-and-effect relationships between critical variables and gives a framework for ensuring that strategy is translated into a coherent set of performance measures. The use of a hierarchy of scorecards cascading through the organisation ensures that strategy and performance measurement is closely aligned. The Balanced Scorecard can act as both a control system and a management tool. In other words, it can be used for monitoring performance as well as for strategic planning. Its versatility may be one of the reasons why so many companies have chosen to adopt it.

The Arguments For Compulsory Voting Politics Essay

The Arguments For Compulsory Voting Politics Essay Using the definition of democracy as tied to the concepts of liberty, equality, legitimacy, and active citizenship, this paper analyzes whether or not compulsory voting is consistent with the fundamental principles of democracy. The argument for liberty would suggest that compulsory voting is principally undemocratic because the freedom of choice must necessarily include the freedom not to choose (Lever 2009, 3). Because democracy highly values individual freedom, as de Tocqueville suggests, the act of forcing individuals to vote with corresponding sanction for non-compliance is clearly a violation of liberty. While the libertarian argument does not discount the benefits of compulsory voting per se, such as higher turnout rates (Lijphart, 1997, 10), these perceived advantages cannot justify government encroachment on individual liberties. A government that values democracy values individual freedom and cannot compel its citizens to vote when it is not in the latters best interest to do so. The concept of voluntariness and the emphasis on individual freedom is a staple of American democracy (de Tocqueville 2003). Because voting is a political right, it must be left to the individual to choose to exercise or n ot to exercise. It eventually boils down to providing that option for the individual to voluntarily choose, free from government interference. From the standpoint of civil liberties, the right not to vote is a form of speech that is protected under the First Amendment (Matsler 2003, 960). This has an accompanying right not to speak as well. Remaining silent when doing so is for your best interest is a statement by itself. Likewise, the choice not to vote is a form of political statement that is enshrined under the First Amendment and needs protection. Forcing an individual to vote would be likened to the state violating that individuals right to the First Amendment. Because the government is compelling the individual to be subject to an array of choices they face at the polling station, the government may be silencing the more informative political statement they intend to make by staying away from the polls and choosing not to participate (Evler 2009, 32). Compulsory voting then, not only violates a major civil liberty (the right to free speech and freedom of expression), the state also endangers its own representativeness because it fails to respect the rights of electors to choose not to participate. From the philosophical standpoint, the issue of whether or not voting should be compelled among individuals is contrary to the aims of liberty, which according to Mill (1999, 34) prioritizes self-interest first, and self-government, second. Political participation goes hand in hand with these principles. The first relates to the power of the individual in a democratic society to unseat bad leaders. The second relates to the power of the individual to use his or her capacities toward collective responsibilities and upholding the public good. These interests all point to the citizen as having a moral duty to go out and participate in the electoral exercise. Nonetheless, moral and ethical considerations also necessitate the view that respecting the decision to abstain from electoral exercise is in keeping with democratic rights. Drawing from Mill, individuals in a democratic society have the right to protect themselves from all things that demean, neglect, and intrude upon them. Because people cannot completely look after themselves, liberty entails the freedom of individuals to pursue self-protection in a democracy. They are also entitled to choose the extent of their political participation in forming, joining and leaving political parties, expressing their opinions on political issues, voicing out their sentiments against policies that are detrimental to their interest, and refusing to disclose their political identities or political beliefs. Democratic rights are founded upon the respect for peoples capacity to make reasoned judgment. This goes against forcing people to exercise their rights or maximize their opportunities and liberties as citizens. We cannot generalize that people who do not exercise the right to vote are as the accusation goes, lazy, apathetic, or disinterested; rather informed judgmen ts of people would make them conclude that voting will not lead to the pursuit of their self-interests. Intelligent people can argue that by not voting, they are pursuing their own self-interest by making a statement that none of the candidates deserve to be in elective position. Because persons are rational and work toward their individual self-interest, compulsory voting cannot be justified because if voting is in their self-interest, there would be no need to force them to go out and vote. They would decide that voting would be good for them and they would cast their ballot of their own volition. Compulsory voting does not necessarily uphold fairness or equality. The case for compulsory voting is also argued on the issue of fairness and equality. Like Platos disdain for apathetic citizens, proponents of compulsory voting stress that because all benefit from being citizens of a democratic society, every citizen has an obligation to participate in the electoral process. By equality, is meant that no one should become a free rider in a democracy free riders meaning those that benefit off society without participating in elections. Supporters of compulsory voting suggest that it is a moral and political duty to vote and that in the interest of fairness, all should vote because all experience the consequences of electoral outcomes. Other strong arguments for compulsory voting include the fact, that voting on election day is much easier than other positive obligations of citizens such as paying taxes, doing jury duty, or performing military service. However, this argument must paint two groups. On the one hand, there are voters who are selflessly giving their time and effort to cast their ballot and contribute to the public good while on the other hand, there are non-voters who are selfishly abandoning their political duties but directly benefit from societys benefits as the first group that cast their ballots. The point that Mill makes is that in a democracy, everyone, whether consciously or unconsciously, is acting in what they judge to be their own self-interest. Voters go out and vote because it is in their self-interest to vote for their preferred candidates and see them in office. Non-voters cannot be generalized to be selfish; it can only be fairly assumed that abstaining from the electoral process is judged by them to be in their best interest. Democratic principles value the individuals rational judgment and capacity to make choices; hence, forcing a person to contradict his or her own rational choice is undemocratic. The problem with asserting that it is unfair that citizens vote while others do not is that dilutes the dynamism in a democracy. Compulsory voting also does not guarantee equality in terms of encouraging equal participation from various gender or educational groups. While this is asserted by proponents of compulsory voting, there is no empirical evidence to back this up. Studies however suggest that while compulsory voting has been observed to stimulate high voter turnout in some countries, it has not been observed to promote equal participation in those countries. A study (Quintelier, Hooghe, and Marien 2008) indicates that specific categories of potential voters refrain from voting, leading to the electoral dominance of more privileged groups within the population. The authors studied 36 countries that participated in the 2004 International Social Survey Programme. They found that while compulsory voting is associated with higher turnout rates, it has not led to a significant growth in electoral participation among gender or educational groups. 3. Compulsory voting cannot guarantee political legitimacy. Perhaps the strongest argument for implementing compulsory voting in countries is that higher voter turnouts strengthen the political legitimacy of a government. Non-voting is seen to override legitimacy and make electoral outcomes vulnerable to coups or resistance. When you probe deeper into this argument, non-voting can be construed not as apathy but as contentment with all the running candidates so that whoever wins the electoral contest, is worthy of the non-voters support. When citizens do not vote, this does not necessarily mean that they view any political outcome as illegitimate. Still, supporters of compulsory voting are weary of low voter turnout because it undermines representativeness and political legitimacy. Lijphart said that A political system with the universal right to vote but with only a tiny fraction of citizens exercising this right should be regarded as a democracy in merely a hollow sense of the term (1997, 11).   Proper democratic representation is strongly associated with the notion of free elections. By proper is usually meant that the outcome of the electoral contest was based on the sentiments of a majority of the population. Those that support this argument automatically assume that just because the elections were participated by majority of the population, that governments can assume perpetual legitimacy. This is a misled notion. Legitimacy is conferred not only through elections, but by the subsequent acts, policies, and decisions made by the governments leaders that pursue the general welfare of its population. Essentially, the vote s cast in an election are only a first step toward a governments claim to legitimacy. The more substantial claim is to be derived from the manner in which it leads and represents the collective interests of its citizens. If legitimacy means that government was voted by a majority, then not all legitimate governments are democratic and not all democracies are legitimate. There are governments considered to be legitimate but have passed undemocratic policies, engaged in rampant corruption, or were simply incompetent. Democratic politics is not simply a numbers game. The more substantive view of democratic politics is that it is competitive and cooperative at the same time. Judging political legitimacy based on voter turnout makes a poor analogy. Moreover, on the claims of representativeness, data show that compulsory voting is not a policy to be universalized. Figures from IDEA Show that while there are some countries that have shown impressive turnouts as a result of compulsory voting, the overall picture of voter turnout debunks the claim that countries enforcing compulsion have the highest voter turnouts. Since 1945, besides Italy, only 4 countries with compulsory voting made it to the top 50 countries arranged in terms of voter turnout: Belgium (84.9 per cent), Netherlands (84.8), Australia (84.4) and Greece (80.3). Forty five out of the 50 countries demonstrating a high voter turnout used voluntary voting. Other countries with compulsory voting have the lowest voter turnout in the world such as Egypt which only has a 24.6 percent voter turnout, the second lowest in the world (IDEA 2010). Compulsory voting cannot be equated to active citizenship. Equating a high voter turnout to active citizenship is too simplistic. The Australian experience indicated that while voter turnout was high, the incidence of invalid ballots also increased (Australian Electoral Commission 2006, 4). The phenomenon of donkey voting is a natural consequences of compelling citizens to vote against their own volition. Compulsory voting formalizes the participation of underinformed or uninformed voters who participate in a politically significant process. Opponents of compulsory voting suggest that having uninformed voters cast their ballots is worse than having informed citizens abstain from the vote. The more substantive definition of citizenship is how much informed citizens are about their society and the ways they contribute into the democratic process. Their contribution should not be measured exclusively on voting alone. For instance, in the U.S., where voter turnout is relatively lower than in Australia, the strength of public opinion in the U.S. is higher and laws have been modified, passed, or rejected in deference to public opinion (Mastrel 2003, 960). It could be safe to say that political outcomes are worse if the citizenry is uninformed than if the citizenry does not wish to vote (Evler, 2009, 32). Conclusion There is no question that the electoral process is an important part of democratic society. There is also no question that voting is a moral duty of every citizen in a democracy. The question is whether or not a person can be compelled to vote against his own judgment in the interest of democracy. The discussion revealed the many advantages of compulsory voting as experienced in countries like Australia, Belgium, and Italy and how this has contributed to higher voter turnouts. Nonetheless, the reading of democracy must not be reduced to the level of electoral participation alone. Voting, however important it may be is only one form of political participation, and as experience shows, not a very conclusive one. Elected governments have been toppled down, leaders have been removed, or refused reelection despite claims to legitimacy because of democratic elections. Electoral participation is valuable because it enables citizens to choose from among candidates who are considered the best to lead the country. Democratic societies respect individual freedom, including the freedom not to vote. Voting is a rational choice that a citizen decides to exercise when it is in his or her best interest to do so. Compelling him or her to exercise such is undemocratic. The higher turnout rates in countries with compulsory voting may not be necessarily good. Experience has shown that countries with compulsory voting also have high invalid or protest votes. Democracy cannot be enhanced when citizens go out and vote just because they have to and in order to avoid sanctions. Only when citizens freely decide to participate in the electoral process can their votes be authentic and truly reflective of their preference. Democratic government is a complex system that values not only electoral participation but providing avenues for people to express their choice, equality, freedom, and reasoned judgment.

The State of Being ‘Human’ in Kanes Blasted Essay -- Literary Analysi

â€Å"I’ve only ever written to escape from hell-and it’s never worked-but at the other end of it when you sit there and watch something and think that’s the most perfect expression of the hell that I felt then maybe it was worth it. (Sarah Kane, Royal Holloway College, London, 3 November 1998).† (Saunders. 2002: 1). Both representative and reflected in this statement made by the British playwright Sarah Kane (1971-1999) (Sierz. 2001: 90-91) is the state of being human. In its literal sense the state of being human could be illustrated as an expression of existence. That of the individual and characteristics and traits experienced through the life of mortal man. (Oxford English Dictionary. 2006: 61 & 366). In addition to this, the associated meaning with the word ‘tested’ suggests ‘a difficult situation that reveals the strength or quality of someone or something.’ (Oxford English Dictionary. 2006: 785). When defined in t hese terms, this then opens up the question to how an expression of human-existence is revealed under pressure in Sarah Kane’s play Blasted (1995). The twentieth century British playwright Sarah Kane’s (1971-1999) first and sensational drama Blasted opened in the Royal Court Theatre Upstairs, London, in January 1995. (Saunders. 2002: 2). From the outset Kane’s play stirred much controversy within the media. The title itself had a great impact upon its audience, as blasted through its formed meaning and literal association is a term ‘expressing annoyance.’ (Oxford English Dictionary. 2006: 70). As stated by the British theatre critic Aleks Sierz, Kane’s Blasted is â€Å"a shocking play whose raw language and powerful images of rape, eye-gouging and cannibalism provoked critical outrage†¦Kane exploded theatri... ...tp://www.robertsilverstone.com/wp-content/articles/Art_of_Being_Human_Part1.pdf. [Accessed 21st April 2012] Stephens, S. (2010) Sarah Kane’s debut play Blasted returns. [On-line] Available from: http://www.guardian.co.uk/stage/2010/oct/24/sarah-kane-blasted. [Accessed 21st April 2012] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, (2009) War. [On-line] Available from: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/war. [Accessed 21st April 2012] The Guardian, (2005) ‘Suicide art? She’s better than that.’ [On-line] Available from: http://www.guardian.co.uk/stage/2005/oct/12/theatre. [Accessed 21st April 2012] Wixson, C. (2005) â€Å"In Better Places†: Space, Identity, and Alienation in Sarah Kane’s Blasted. [On-line] Available from: http://muse.jhu.edu.ezproxy.falmouth.ac.uk/journals/comparative_drama/summary/v039/39.1.wixson.html. [Accessed 19th April 2012]

My Interest in Law :: Law College Admissions Essays

My Interest in Law    My interest in reading law stems from an early exposure to the subject.   I sometimes accompanied my grandfather to courts and was quick to later on imitate the inquisitive, argumentative, critical as well as negotiating characters of lawyers.  Ã‚   Eventually, I decided I would become one.   My chosen subjects have always reflected this decision and in my years 10 and 11, I won the Best-in-History award, while being highly competitive in English Language and Literature, Government and Religious Studies.   At my A-Level stage, I thoroughly enjoy the research, analysis and writing that goes on in my chosen subjects of English Literature, Economics & Business Studies, Politics and Theology, most especially the latter two.    Securing a work experience placement with Withers Solicitors, London enabled me to interact with solicitors and gain an insight to various aspects of the legal profession such as will drafting and family law.   This increased my anxiety to study law.   During my last spring holiday (April 2001), I got a job working as a receptionist in Chalk Hill Heath Centre, Wembley, London.   Apart from the dignity of labour I gained from doing the work, the experience of working with a wide variety of patients including the obdurate has improved my communication skills.    My participation in the Model United Nations (MUN) conferences run by some schools in Europe and the USA has improved my debating skills, public speaking and helped me to cultivate the habit of researching as well as negotiating.   These qualities are essential in the study and practise of law.   In the Belfast 2001 MUN conference my delegation received the 'Commended Delegation' award due to our hardwork and team effort.      With my reputation as a morally upright student, I was appointed to the highly responsible post of Anglican Chapel Prefect of my school from May 1999 to June 2000 and my task included mobilising students to attend worship on Sundays, as well as assisting other school prefects to run the school. My good communication skills helped to elect me to the office of the Secretary-General of the Photography Club from September 1999 to June 2000, during which I was responsible for minuting meetings and organising club activities. I co-organised a successful Afro-Caribbean Night at my school last May by which we raised seven hundred pounds for Hope and Homes Charity Organisation.   At present I am a House Prefect.

Statue of Liberty Ribbon Essays -- Architecture History

Statue of Liberty Ribbon The Statue of Liberty has served as the single most important symbol of the friendship between the two countries and the ideal of democracy since its unveiling on October 28, 1886. At the time it was the tallest structure in America. The statue was originally a gift to the United States. The relationship between the two countries dates back before the United States was an independent country (Kotler p7). The French were one of the first to explore and settle in North America. Louis Jolliet and Jaques Marquette traveled the Mississippi. Renà © Robert Cavelier, sieur de La Salle explored the Great Lakes and established Louisiana. Frenchmen built outposts on the Gulf of Mexico, founded New Orleans, and colonized New France from Louisiana to northeast Canada. In the War of Independence, the Marquis de Lafayette fought with General George Washington. In its final battle at Yorktown, General Jean Baptiste de Rochambeau led the French navy and a land crew. Without French support a victory may have been impossible. The United States returned these favors during t...

Environmental Impacts of a Cement Plant Unit

Decision The building activities will ensue in minimal loss of flora and surface soil in the works country. Maximum possible extent tree cutting would be avoided. No important inauspicious impact on the dirt in the encompassing country is anticipated. During building stage, dust will be the chief pollutant, which would be generated from the site development activities and vehicular motion on the route. The impact of such activities would be confined within the undertaking boundary and restricted to the building stage. To extenuate these impacts regular scattering of H2O will be done at the building site. The attack roads will be black carpeted and vehicles will be kept in good order to minimise car fumes. The coevals of domestic sewerage discharge from labour settlements and lavation of building stuffs stockpiled and concrete batching works will hold some impact on surface H2O and to a smaller grade on groundwater. To turn to possible impacts on H2O quality, disinfected latrines ( with regular liming ) will be used as chief constituent of the sanitation system.Construction procedure would include fiction of steel constructions, concrete and related H2O use. The possible impact is considered minor as it will be largely happening during building period and will hold no long term impact with position to relentless pollution. The overall impact on H2O environment during building stage due to the cement works would be of short term continuance and insignificant. The major beginnings of noise during the building stage are vehicular traffic, building equipment like dozers, scrapers, concrete misers, Cranes generators, pumps, compressors, stone drills, pneumatic tools, proverbs, vibrators etc.the operation of these equipment will bring forth noise runing between 70-85 dubnium ( A ) . The noise produced during the building will hold important impact on the bing ambient noise degrees. The major work will be carried out during the daylight. Most of the land identified for the bing undertaking contains bare land with limited figure of trees. Trees will be cut merely if required and as per functional demand. The remotion of flora from the dirt and relaxation of the surface soil by and large causes dirt eroding. However such impacts will be confined to the works site and will be minimized through pavement and H2O scattering. Therefore no major loss of biomass is envisaged during building stage. The non workers in the constitute more than 60 % of the entire population in 10 kilometers radius survey area.This indicates the handiness of ample work force required for the building activity in the vicinity. The works will supply either direct or indirect occupation chances to the local population every bit far as possible. There will be some migration of labour force from outside the survey country during building stage, which may set some force per unit area on the local colonies and resources. So the demographic impact is envisaged to be fringy and impermanent in nature. However, the flow of work forces, money and stuff will impact the socio-economic position of the people in the country. The positive impact may be the addition of employment chances for unskilled and semi-skilled workers. Ancillary development such as stores, hotels and other allied services will besides open up avenues for employment. The subsequent betterment in the position of the people will besides assist in increasing the wellness and instruction position of the people. Diseases matching to labour influex and their impact on local community will be regulary monitored. Health position monitoring of labors and its environing population shall be carried out with the nomadic wellness attention installations. During building of any big undertaking, there is ever opportunity of traffic congestion on nearby roads due to heavy vehicular motion. However it was observed that the route web next to the cement works has medium traffic and have a mix of fast moving and decelerate traveling traffic. Thus add-on of the awaited vehicles during building stage will non hold much impact on the traffic scenario. Literand demand for the cement works is 120.626 hour angle, which is already in ownership of the company. With execution of the works, the land usage at the site will be for good changed to industrial class. Impacts on dirts will be restricted during building stage, which will acquire stabilized during operational stage. The impact on the top dirt will be confined to the chief works country. The air borne fleeting dust from the works is likely to be deposited on the surface soil in immediate locality of the works boundary. However, the fleeting emanation are likely to be controlled to a great extent through control steps such as H2O sprinkler systems and dust extraction and dust suppression systems shall be installed. All the solid waste generated will be to the full re-used either in the procedure or in accessory activities ; therefore no impact of solid waste is envisaged on dirt quality of the country. Adequate stack highs have been provided to scatter gaseous emanations over a broad country. In order to command emanations of particulates adequate control equipment are installed.Prediction of impacts on air environment has been carried out by utilizing land degree concentration at a distance of 1.0 kilometers on southeast way. The impact on air quality is assessed based on emanation of the cement works. Particulate affair will be the of import pollutant breathing from the cement works, the maximal attendant land degree concentration that the maximal short term 24 hourly land degree concentrations for PM, SO2and NOx during normal operations of the works composite are likely to be 2.48 & A ; micro ; g/m3, 12.85 & A ; micro ; g/m3and 9.75 & A ; micro ; g/m3 severally occuruing at a distance of 1.0 to 1.5 kilometers during station monsoon season. Fleeting dust emanations from the bing works would be important as there will be air pollution due to activities like conveyance of limestone, coal handling, cinder handling, and oppressing unit and by and large due to the motion of vehicles on the roads. The limestone conveyance is being carried out by covered conveyer system from the limestone crusher unit to the works, therefore fleeting dust in non envisaged. Number of smaller sized bag dust collectors/bagfilters for de-dusting at tasfer points and other fleeting dust emanation countries are installed. Hence the impact due to fleeting emissuions would be undistinguished. All the internal roads within the works premises will be metalled ; hence dust originating from the internal roads will be in important. The greenway and regular H2O sprinking will foster aid decrease in fleeting emanations. The bing cement works contains figure of points of heavy equipment such as fans, engines, generators and cement grinding works. There will be associated route or rail traffic including truck motion and loading equipment. Consequently cement fabrication is likely to bring forth noise and quiver. Noise and quiver is greater from heavy truck traffic associated with quarry operations and conveyance of natural stuffs and finished merchandise. The chief noise bring forthing beginnings from the cement works will be crushers, ball Millss, ice chest fans, pumps, compressors, turbines along with chilling tower and boilers. The noise degrees at the beginning for these units will be maintasined below 85 dubnium ( A ) . Hazardous waste in the signifier of used and godforsaken oil is generated from autoworkshop, different subdivision of cement works. No risky waste will be generated either in the procedure or pollution control equipment installations. There is no solid waste generated from the cement works. All the dust collected in air pollution control equipment ( APCEs ) will automatically be recycled into the procedure. Flyash use will be as per MoEF flyash use presentment. Flyash will be 100 % for production of pozzolona cement devising by the cement works. Solid waste in the signifier of sludge is generated from the sewerage intervention works. The waste will be used for maintain the assorted lequire suspended solids ( MLSS ) in the activated sludge procedure of STP and the balance waste is used as manure for greenway development. Since the unit will be runing on zero discharge procedure, no inauspicious impact on surface H2O organic structures is envisaged. The works drainage system will be ap propriately designed such that the storm H2O does non transport any pollutants. The impact from the air emanation is non expected to be important since the stack tallness design and the atmosphereic conditions are such that the ambient air quality at present every bit good as in hereafter after the present installation will be within the prescribed ambient air quality bounds set Forth by CPCB. Comprehensive control steps have been incorporated as elaborated under Environment direction program ( EMP ) . The discharge of waste stuffs ( stack emanation, waste H2O and solid wastes ) from works operations potentially could hold impact on public safety ad wellness if proper extenuation steps are non taken. The impact from the discharge of waste merchandises is non expected to be important since, the inauspicious impacts on ambient air, H2O and dirt quality are predicted to be low. It is predicted that the impacts on public safety will be really low, due to the effectuive safety system and safety direction available in the works. Overall, the impact on public safety and wellness from the cement works activities are likely to be undistinguished. Govindgarh modesty wood is 0.2 km north-northeast waies 10 kilometers radius survey country. But there are no ecologically sensitive countries like wildlife sanctuaries within 10 kilometers radius from the works and besides no migration path to avi zoology is observed or recorded in the survey country. Son gharihal sanctuary is located at a distance of 9.0 kilometer towards south east direction.similarlly as per the wood section, no endangered or rare species of vegetations and zoologies are reported or observed in the survey country. Development of a thick greenway and besides application of limestone injection in AFBC ( Atmosphric fluidized bed burning ) boilers, transit of stuff through closed conveyer system still further cut down of pollution tonss in the environing countries and contain the negative impact on wood and tellurian ecology. Hence the impacts on the tellurian ecology will be undistinguished. The wastewaters are non envisaged to be discharged into any watercourses. Hence no impact is envisaged from the bing works on aquatic organic structures. The impacts on the ecology will be due to the incremental gaseous concentrations and noise generated during operation of the bing power works. The demand of unskilled work force will be met from nearby small towns during building and operation stage. The works will besides assist in coevals of indirect employment apart from direct employment. This will be a positive socio-economic development for the part. There will be a general upliftment of criterion of life in the part. The discharge of waste stuffs ( stack emanation, effluent and solid wastes ) from procedure operations is expected to be undistinguished and may non hold possible impact on public safety and wellness. The inauspicious impacts on ambient air and dirt quality are predicted to be undistinguished. Primary wellness study was carried out to measure the wellness position of the people in the survey country in the small towns of Majhigawan, Sarda, Jurmani, Hinauti and Gorhatola small towns which are autumn in 2 kilometers radius from mines lease boundary. The survey reveals that in general the country is prone to malaria in monsoon season and icterus before and after monsoon season. Therefore is no disease form which can be attributable to any industrial pollution. The incidence of any lungs related wellness upset are chiefly due to the wonts such as smoke. The cement works unit together with confined power works will ensue in betterment of substructure every bit good as upliftment of societal construction in the surrounding small towns. The people shacking in the nearby countries will be benefited indirectly. The major benefit due to the cement works will be in the domain of bring forthing impermanent employment for significant figure of forces. During the enlargement of building stage about 1000 people on an norm will be employed. The work force during operational period is estimated to be about 350 individuals. Employment will be provided to eligible undertaking affected individuals both during building and operational stage. Impermanent employment for people from the adjacent small towns during building stage. The instruction and substructure installations such as development of ply land for childrens, noon repasts, computing machine preparation for the children/youth of weaker subdivision, scholarship for pupils of college/ITI, upg radation/renovation of bing schools, H2O supply, furniture, computing machines, library, books, school bags, athleticss kits, healthful installations etc. will be provided. Supplying primary wellness centres and ambulance installation. Conduction of vaccination/immunization programmes including infantile paralysis cantonments, oculus cantonments and medical assistance, reding and rehabilitation installations for drug addicts.Assistance/encouragement to self aid groups and income coevals strategies. Community development activies such as building of new community/panchayat halls. Provision of solar energy to community/panchyat edifice. Rennovation and modernisation of bing community/panchyat halls. The budget estimated under CSR activies is about Rs. 55 crores as on one clip capital outgo and Rs. 11 crores as repeating outgo per annum for 10 old ages.

Session Long Affirmative Action

Gender discrimination has for long been the topic of hot ethical debate. Despite the growing awareness about the social implications and the consequences of discrimination, as well as financial and human costs of discriminative attitudes at workplace, numerous firms and businesses appear unable to change the traditional structure of their business relationships. Even the best and the most ethical organizations are not always willing to eliminate the barriers women face on their way to professional excellence. In case of KBR, diversity and female participation in labor seem to be the two critical elements of organizational culture.Yet, KBR, Inc. has not done everything possible to involve women into all areas of its organizational and business performance. In reality, even at KBR, Inc. – the company well known for its ethical practices – gender remains an issue. Moreover, the majority of the present day American companies are either unwilling or unprepared to tackle gend er discrimination challenges. â€Å"For instance, for every dollar earned by white men in 1998, white women earn 78 cents, African-American women earn 67 cents, and Hispanic women earn 56 cents, according to Catalyst.More than 85 percent of Fortune 500 companies lack even one woman among their five highest earning officers† (Social Funds, 2000). Objectively, KBR, Inc. is not an exception for even despite its growing commitment to diversity at workplace and its desire to eliminate the barriers which women face when trying to become a part of the company staff, the current Board of Directors at KBR does not have a single woman, comprising seven highly professional men (KBR, 2009).Moreover, given the nature and specificity of work at KBR, women find it even more difficult to prove that they possess sufficient engineering and construction skills and are able to successfully fulfill their workplace obligations and tasks. Finally, when it comes to working in hotspots, women face ev en more opposition on the side of their potential employers, who view it as unacceptable for a woman to work in conditions of wartime. From the deontological perspective, gender equality should become a rule KBR will follow at all levels of its organizational performance.Certainly, affirmative action can potentially become a good solution for the majority of gender discrimination problems, but affirmative action is just another form of discrimination aimed at establishing the new quality of gender relationships at workplace. Not gender discrimination, not affirmative action, but professionalism, education, and skills should serve the primary criteria the company will use when considering potential job candidates. Not gender, but individual preparedness to work in dangerous conditions and realization of the tasks and obligations should govern KBR in its job decisions.From the viewpoint of utilitarianism, providing women with equal access to jobs will help resolve several essential is sues. First, the company will improve its social corporate image. Second, it will bring in innovative looks and will substantially improve and speed up its decision-making processes. Third, it will provide women with a chance to realize themselves in professional fields, and finally, the company will avoid and secure itself from financial losses that result of continuous discrimination lawsuits.Discrimination is an increasingly negative social and workplace phenomenon. Moreover, the more â€Å"male† the nature of business seems to be, the less likely women are to become a part of such companies’ staff. That is why for the company to remain competitive, glass ceiling should be eliminated, to give women just another professional and individual try. Conclusion Even the most ethical companies face serious gender discrimination challenges and are not always able to eliminate the so-called â€Å"glass ceiling†.KBR, Inc. is not an exception. From deontological perspect ive, gender equality should become one of the primary company rules; from the utilitarian perspective, giving women a chance for professional self-realization will improve the quality of all decision-making processes and will protect the company from numerous discrimination lawsuits. Whether KBR, Inc. is able to preserve its positive corporate image depends on how well it copes with the challenges of gender discrimination at workplace. References KBR, Inc. (2009). Board of directors. KBR, Inc. Retrieved June 1, 2009 from http://www.kbr.com/corporate/corporate_governance/board_of_directors/index.aspx Social Funds. (2000). Glass ceiling still unshattered. Social Funds. Retrieved June 1, 2009 from http://www.socialfunds.com/news/article.cgi/345.html

The Battle for the Campaign Agenda in Britain

The 1997 election was a struggle, not just for votes, but also to control the campaign agenda. Significant, but contradictory, challenges faced the media, parties and the public. For journalists, the problem was how to engender any zip into the campaign. Ever since Black Wednesday, in September 1992, Labour had seemed assured of victory while Conservative support floundered in the doldrums. For five years, perhaps it just seemed like longer, pundits had been writing of the end of the Conservative era, bolstered by all the accumulated evidence from opinion polls, by-elections and local elections. By the start of the six-week official campaign, the horse-race story was almost lifeless. Moreover, to the dismay of leader-writers, commentators and columnists, Blair's strategic shift towards the centre-left had removed much of the drama of serious policy conflicts between the major parties. Few issues remained where one could discern clear blue water between Labour and the Conservatives – devolution and constitutional reform, perhaps the faint ghost of trade union rights and spending priorities – but on so much the contest was a classic case of an echo not a choice. Lastly, at the outset the campaign promised tight party control, in as gaffe-free an environment as could be humanly managed. At the start the Labour party seemed insecure and sweaty despite its enormous lead in the polls, and the professional andelson machine at Millbank Tower left almost nothing to chance, as though the souffle of support might suddenly collapse. Based on their formidable track-record during the 1980s, the Conservatives had a reputation for running highly professional campaigns. Given the palpable sense of public boredom and impatience, a feeling of oh-do-lets-get-on-with-it, the challenge for journalists was to find something fresh and interesting to hold the attention of their readers and viewers. During the six week campaign there was, on average, about ten hours of regular BBC and ITN television news and current affairs programmes every weekday1, not including election specials, nor Sky News, CNN, Radio 4, Five Live, newspapers and magazines, the internet election web pages, and all the other plethora of media outlets. Something had to fill the ravenous news hole. For the public, the primary urge seemed to be to get it all over with. But voters also needed to make sense of the choice before them, when policy differences between the parties had shaded from the red-and-blue days of Thatcher v. Foot to a middle of the road wishy-washy mauve. Many issues confronting voters were complex, technical and subtle, with no easy answers: what will happen to the economy if Britain enters, or stays out, of the ERM? How can the peace process move ahead in Northern Ireland, given the intractability of all sides? Can Britain afford an effective and comprehensive health service, given ever-increasing demands on the system and spending limits accepted by all parties? These, and related, issues facing Britain have critical consequences for the lives of citizens, but they admit of no simple sound-bite panaceas. The needs of the news media and the public were at odds with those of the parties. Given their lead, the primary challenge for Labour was to manage their media environment against unexpected crises, in play-safe reactive mode. The watchword was control. Memories of the polling fiasco in 1992, and Neil Kinnock's false expectation of victory in that campaign (â€Å"We're allright! â€Å"), dominated strategy in 1997. The challenge for the Conservatives was to staunch grassroots morale, and even build momentum, by emphasising the positive economic performance of the government, by reassuring voters to trust Prime Minister John Major against the inexperienced and unknown Tony Blair, and by attacking Labour on the old bugaboos of taxes and trade unions. To gain traction the Conservatives had to take more risks than Labour. The challenge facing all the minor parties, but particularly the Liberal Democrats, was to avoid being squeezed by Labour's smothering slither centre-left. Who won? The aim of this chapter is to examine this battle and evaluate the outcome. The first section sets out the long-term context by considering how campaigning has been transformed in the post-war era. The 1997 election represented another critical step, it can be argued, in the transition to the post-modern campaign in Britain, — characterised by partisan dealignment in the press, growing fragmentation in the electronic media, and strategic communications in parties. The second section goes on to analyse what was covered in the national press and television during the campaign, and whether this suggests Labour won the battle of the campaign agenda, as well as the election. Lastly, we consider how the public reacted to the coverage, whether they felt that journalists generated interesting, fair and informative coverage, and the implications of this analysis for the struggle over campaign communications. The Evolution of the Post-Modern Campaign Modernisation theory suggests that during the post-war era the political communication process has been transformed by the decline of direct linkages between citizens and parties, and the rise of mediated relationships. Swanson and Mancini argue that similar, although not identical, developments are recognisable across industrialised democracies2. In the earliest stage, the premodern campaign in Britain was characterised by the predominance of the partisan press; a loose organizational network of grassroots party volunteers in local constituencies; and a short, ad-hoc national campaign run by the party leader with a few close advisers. This period of campaigning gradually evolved in the mid-nineteenth century following the development of mass party organizations registering and mobilising the newly enfranchised electorate. Despite the introduction of wireless broadcasting in 1922, this pattern was maintained in largely identifiable form until the late fifties3. The critical watershed came in 1959, with the first television coverage of a British general election, symbolising the transition to the next stage. The evolution of the modern campaign was marked by a shift in the central location of election communications, from newspapers towards television, from the constituency grassroots to the party leadership, and from amateurs towards professionals. The press entered an era of long-term decline: circulation of national newspapers peaked in the late fifties and sales have subsequently dropped by one-third (see Figure 1). The fall was sharpest among tabloids, pushing these further downmarket in the search for readers4. This fierce competition transformed the nature of the British press, producing growing sensationalism, and more journalism with attitude, while changes in ownership ratcheted the partisan balance further in the Conservative direction. One major factor contributing towards declining circulation was the rise of television. The political effects of this new technology were strongly mediated by the regulations governing broadcasting in each country. In Britain the legal framework for the BBC/ITV duopoly was suffused by a strong public service ethos which required broadcasters to maintain ‘party balance' and impartiality in news coverage, to ‘inform, educate and entertain' according to high standards, and to provide an agreed allocation of unpaid airtime to arty political broadcasts5. Within this familiar context, television centralised the campaign, and thereby increased the influence of the party leaders: what appeared on BBC1's flagship 9 O'clock News and ITN's News at Ten, and related news and current affairs studios, was the principle means by which politicians reached the vast majority of voters. To work effectively within this environment parties developed a coordinated national campaign with professional communications by specialists skilled in advertising, marketing, and polling. The ‘long campaign' in the year or so before polling day became as important strategically as the short ‘official' campaign. These changes did not occur overnight, nor did they displace grassroots constituency activity, as the timeless ritual of canvassing and leafletting continued. A few trusted experts in polling and political marketing became influential during the campaign in each party, such as Maurice Saatchi, Tim Bell and Gordon Reece in Conservative Central Office, but this role remained as part-time outside advisors, not integral to the process of government, nor even to campaigning which was still run by politicians. Unlike in the United States, no political marketing industry developed, in large part because the only major clients were the Labour and Conservative party leaderships: the minor parties had limited resources, while parliamentary candidates ran retail campaigns based on shoe-leather and grassroots helpers. But the net effect of television during the era of modernisation was to shift the primary focus of the campaign from the ad-hoccery of unpaid volunteers and local candidates towards the central party leadership flanked by paid, although not necessarily full-time, professionals6. Lastly in the late twentieth century Britain seems to have been experiencing the rise of the post-modern campaign, although there remains room for dispute in the interpretation of the central features of this development and its consequences. The most identifiable characteristics, evident in the 1997 campaign, include the emergence of a more autonomous, and less partisan, press following its own ‘media logic'; the growing fragmentation and diversification of electronic media outlets, programmes and audiences; and, in reaction to these developments, the attempt by parties to reassert control through strategic communications and media management during the permanent campaign. Partisan Dealignment in the Press In the post-war period parties have had long-standing and stable links with the press. In 1945 there was a rough partisan balance with about 6. 7 million readers of pro-Conservative papers and 4. 4 million readers of pro-Labour papers. This balance shifted decisively in the early 1970s, with the transformation of the left-leaning Daily Herald into the pro-Conservative Sun, and the more aggressively right-wing tone of The Times, both under Rupert Murdoch's ownership. By 1992 the cards had become overwhelmingly stacked against the left, since the circulation of the Conservative-leaning press had risen to about 8. 7 million compared with only 3. million for Labour-leaning papers (see Figure 1). Throughout the 1980s Mrs Thatcher could campaign assured of a largely sympathetic press, which provided a loyal platform to get her message across7. One of the most striking developments of recent years has been the crumbling of these traditional press-party loyalties. The evidence comes partly from editorial policy. The Conservative press had started to turn against Mrs Thatcher in 1989-90, when the economy was in recession and her leadership became deeply unpopular, and this constant barrage of criticism probably contributed towards her eventual demise8. During the 1992 election, while the Sun and the Daily Express continued to beat the Tory drum, comment from some of the other pro-Conservative press like the Mail and The Sunday Times was more muted, and four out of eleven daily papers failed to endorse a single party9. The new government enjoyed a brief respite on returning to office but press criticism of John Major's leadership deepened following the ERM debacle on 16th September 1992, with only the Daily Express staying loyal. Journalists continued to highlight the government's difficulties over Europe, and internal splits over the debate on the Maastricht Treaty. By the winter of 1993, a succession of scandals involving Conservative politicians created headline news while editorials regularly denunciated the government, and particularly the Prime Minister. By the time of the July 1995 leadership challenge only the Daily Express backed John Major solidly, while the Sun, the Mail, The Times and the Telegraph all argued that it was time for him to be replaced10, an embarrassment for their leader writers given the outcome. The question, in the long run-up to the election, was whether the Tory press would return home, once the future of the Conservative government was under real threat. In the event, the 1997 election represents a historic watershed. In a major break with tradition, six out of ten national dailies, and five out of nine Sundays, endorsed the Labour party in their final editorials (see Table 1). This was twice the highest number previously, and it reversed the long-standing pro-Conservative leanings in the national press. With impeccable timing, the Sun led the way on the first day of the campaign, (THE SUN BACKS BLAIR), with a frontpage claiming Blair is a â€Å"breath of fresh air† while the Conservatives were â€Å"tired, divided and rudderless†, and its defection stole the headlines and damaged Tory morale. This change of heart came after assiduous efforts by Labour to court press support, including meetings between Blair and Rupert Murdoch, especially Blair's visit to Australia in 1995. roughout the campaign the Sun, with ten million readers a day, provided largely unswerving support for Blair, although opposing Labour policy on Europe and the unions, and many commentators predicted that the switch, based on Murdoch's commercial considerations rather than political affinities, would not last long11. Labour's traditional tabloid, the Daily Mirror, with six million readers, continued its brand of centre-left journalism (â€Å"the paper for Labour's TRUE supporters†). On the las t Sunday of the campaign, influenced by Murdoch, The News of the World decided to follow the lead of its sister paper, the Sun, and backed Labour. Among the broadsheets The Guardian called for tactical voting for the Liberal Democrats in seats where it made sense, but broadly endorsed Labour. The Independent was more restrained in its backing, casting its editorial vote for Labour â€Å"with a degree of optimism that is not entirely justified by the evidence†. The paper was clearly more anti-Tory than pro-anything. The Times advised their readers to back Eurosceptic candidates from whatever party, although, in practice, nearly all were Conservatives. Only leads in the Daily Telegraph, and the Daily Mail (â€Å"Labour bully boys are back† â€Å"Labour's broken promises†) remained strongly in the Tory camp. Even the Daily Express was more neutral than in the past: a double-page spread was divided between Lord Hollick, its chief executive, arguing for Labour and its chairman, Lord Stevens, arguing for the Conservatives. The front-page of the election-eve Mail carried a colourful Union Jack border and the apocalyptic warning that a Labour victory could â€Å"undo 1,000 years of our nation's history†. Yet any comparison of editorial policy probably under-estimates the balance of partisanship in news coverage during the overall campaign. For example, the Mail ostensibly endorsed the Conservatives during the campaign, but in practice it probably deeply damaged the government by headlining sexual scandals in the party, and reinforcing images of disunity with leading articles highlighting the number of Tory Eurosceptics. With friends like this, the Conservatives did not need opponents. To understand this we need to go beyond the leaders, which are rarely read, and even less heeded, to examine the broader pattern of front-page stories. The most plausible evidence for dealignment is that certain papers like the Sun, traditionally pro-Conservative, switched camps, but also that front-page stories were often so similar across all the press, driven by news values irrespective of the paper's ostensible partisanship. Since the early 1970s fierce competition for readers has encouraged far more sensational coverage in the popular press, fuelling an endless diet of stories about ‘scandals', (mostly sexual but also financial), infotainment, and the Royals, preferably all three. This process started when Rupert Murdoch bought the News of the World in 1968, and the Sun a year later. It accelerated in the cut-throat competition produced by the launch of the Daily Star in 1978, which sought to out-do the Sun in its relentless search for sex, investigative ‘exclusives' about celebrities, violent crime, and graphic coverage of the bizzare. Those who thought British newspapers had reached their nadir at this point had under-estimated the soft-porn Sunday Sport, launched in 198612. The tackiness of the popular press, such as their exhaustive gossip about the goings-on of the younger Royals, gradually infected and corroded the news culture of the broadsheets as well. By the mid-1990s, the journalism of scandal trumped party loyalties, hands down. This fuelled the series of sleaze stories about senior Conservative politicians hroughout John Major's years in government, and there was no let-up during the campaign. As documented in detail later, the first two weeks of the election were dominated by a succession of stories about corruption in public life and sexual ‘scandals', providing a steady diet of negative news for the government which swamped their message about the economy.